Abstract
In this chapter, the previously outlined method of evaluating the compatibility of certain views and practices with human rights is applied to the equality dimension of human rights. I discuss inclusivist resources in religious as well as non-religious worldviews that can strengthen the notion of a principal equal worth of human beings, and scan various obstacles in that regard. The case examples include religious supremacy, nationalism, misogyny, and “moral disgust”.
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Notes
- 1.
I offer a more extensive overview in the previous German version of this work (2017).
- 2.
- 3.
- 4.
In the words of Locke: “[E]ach person is the last and highest judge of his own salvation; it is his own business, and only his; nobody else stands to lose anything” (1689/2010, p. 32). Or as Thomas Paine puts it: “If he believes not as thou believest, it is a proof that thou believest not as he believeth, and there is no earthly power (sic) can determine between you” (1791–1792/2003, p. 190f.). This view again is rooted in a noncognitivist stance about ultimate religious truth (cf. also Bayle 1686/2007). In Islam, in this vein arguments for toleration were developed by the early Islamic school of the Murjites, who serve as inspiration for modern day reformist minds (cf. Akyol 2011, pp. 83ff.).
- 5.
On the Janus-faced universalism of radical Islam, see also Mustapha 2013.
- 6.
On Daesh’s genocidal wars and the unspeakable atrocities of its fighters, see Dakhil et al. 2017.
- 7.
He points to the example of slavery: “[B]oth Jews and Christians nowadays abhor slavery and condemn it in the name of their traditions, but this requires quite a revolutionary reading of their scripture, since neither Hebrew scriptures nor the New Testament opposes slavery in principle” (ibid., p. 101).
- 8.
- 9.
Other than the CDHRI, the Arab League’s Arab Charter of Human Rights (ArabCHR) (1994) does not entail any such tribute to Islamic supremacism. Its preamble reads: “Having achieved the everlasting principles established by the Islamic Shari‘a and the other divine religions enshrined in brotherhood and equality amongst human beings […].”
- 10.
- 11.
The distinction between true and false religion is a necessary, but not sufficient condition for violence. The key factor is whether or not the adherents of a specific faith consider themselves as entitled to themselves demarcate this distinction, i.e., for instance to punish or exterminate disbelieving people. However, where this is seen as a privilege of God, worldly coexistence of “true” and “false” religions is possible in principle. It is hence important not only to look at verses in the scripture of a specific religion calling to, for example, “burn” or “wipe out”, the religious other, but to ask who is authorized to do exactly that.
- 12.
Manji further explained: “The truth is, I knew which interpretation I wanted but I didn’t know for sure [and still don’t] which one God wanted” (ibid., p. 35).
- 13.
These are in particular: “To each among you have We prescribed a law and an Open Way. If Allah had so willed, He would have made you a single People, but (His plan is) to test you in what He hath given you: so strive as in a race in all virtues” (5: 48). “He guideth whom He will to a Way that is straight” (2:142).
- 14.
See also Akyol, pp. 83ff. This divinely ordained deep pluralism also features in the philosophy of Roger Williams, who wrote: “It is the will and command of God, that […] a permission of the most Paganish, Jewish, Turkish or Antichristian consciences and worships, bee (sic) granted to all men in all Nations and countries […]” (1644/1869, p. 3). For the Jewish tradition, Elliot N. Dorff states: “God as understood in the Jewish tradition thus wants pluralism not only to demonstrate his grandeur in creating humanity with diversity but also to force human beings to realize their epistemological creatureliness, the limits of human knowledge compared to God” (2002, p. 58).
- 15.
Recently, such a reform was requested by French intellectuals and politicians in their Manifeste contre le nouvel antisémitisme (Le Parisien 2018): “En conséquence, nous demandons que les versets du Coran appelant au meurtre et au châtiment des juifs, des chrétiens et des incroyants soient frappés d’obsolescence par les autorités théologiques […].”
- 16.
This formulation is used by Arendt in the original German version of The Origins of Totalitarianism (1955/2005, ch. 9).
- 17.
In particular populism is sometimes put on a level with nationalism. However, whereas nationalism refers to a pre-political ethnos imagined in cultural, racial, and/or religious terms, populism is best understood as a view centering upon a political demos. Nationalism confers messages like “We are the true natives” or “We are the best people, destined to rule ourselves (and others).” By contrast, populism asserts “We are the true people and not the corrupt or treasonous elite.”
- 18.
- 19.
For how the movement represents itself, see <http://969movement.org/>.
- 20.
- 21.
Art. 3, common to all four Geneva Conventions, states: “Persons taking no active part in the hostilities, including members of armed forces who have laid down their arms and those placed ‘hors de combat’ by sickness, wounds, detention, or any other cause, shall in all circumstances be treated humanely, without any adverse distinction founded on race, colour, religion or faith, sex, birth or wealth, or any other similar criteria” (1949).
- 22.
The ICC’s Rome Statute lists among its statutory offences: “Intentionally launching an attack in the knowledge that such attack will cause incidental loss of life or injury to civilians or damage to civilian objects or widespread, long-term and severe damage to the natural environment which would be clearly excessive in relation to the concrete and direct overall military advantage anticipated [emphasis added]” (1998, Art. 8, b, iv).
- 23.
Historically, this question arose at the end of the war for the Allies in World War II: Should they risk the lives of 100,000 troops to achieve full victory over Germany and Japan by invading these countries or diminish the forseeable damage by fire (and, ultimately, atomic) bombing of major enemy cities (e.g., Tokyo, Dresden, Hiroshima)?
- 24.
- 25.
For the work of the NGO, Breaking the Silence, founded by IDF veterans, see <https://www.breakingthesilence.org.il/>.
- 26.
- 27.
These numbers need to be interpreted in the context of a situation where many more people passed through Hungary without lodging such a claim and where many registered asylum seekers went into hiding or traveled on.
- 28.
Except the Ukraine and Serbia, all of Hungary’s neighbors are EU member States. Provisions similar to this exist in other EU member States too, for example, in Germany (Basic Law Art. 16a, 2), though they are currently not applied (consistently).
- 29.
Such anxiety about migration/asylum is by no means restricted to Hungary. For Europe’s identity crisis in that context and its deeper causes, see Murray 2017.
- 30.
Unlike the CRSR, which allows for exemptions from the non-refoulement principle in cases where people pose “a danger to the security of the country” or have been convicted of serious crimes, neither CAT nor the Charter of the Fundamental Rights of the European Union allow for the balancing of rights and interests here. Where these conventions apply, the right of the migrant/refugee not to be deported trumps the common good in terms of national security and public safety and thus the rights of others. In recent years, the ramifications of non-refoulement have sparked public controversies in Europe, as, for instance, in the cases of Abu Quatada in the UK in 2013 and Sami A. in Germany in 2018.
- 31.
In a blunt utilitarian vein, one could likewise question the legitimacy of a society’s interest in civil aviation or other amenities in light of human suffering in many parts of the world. There is basically no end to such arguments.
- 32.
This right is conditioned insofar as it “may not be invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations” (UN 1951, Art. 14, 2). The original UDHR draft did not define the right to asylum as an individual right but as the right of States: “Every State shall have the rights to grant asylum to political refugees” (UN 1947a, Art. 34).
- 33.
Otherwise, rhetoric such as that which follows will resonate with increasing numbers of people: “In Brussels nowadays people believe that it is unfair if one is not born in the country where one would like to live. They believe that it is fair to give people the right to move to wherever they would like to live. In Brussels nowadays there are thousands of paid activists, bureaucrats and politicians working to have migration declared a fundamental human right. Therefore, they want to deprive us of the right to decide for ourselves who we let in to the country and who we refuse entry to” (Orban 2018).
- 34.
The UDHR (1948a) does not yet explicitly address women’s rights beyond stressing “the equal rights of men and women” in its preamble. With the ICCPR and ICESCR, ensuring “the equal right of men and women” became an obligation for the contracting States (1966a,b, Art. 3). For an overview of the evolution of women’s human rights in the UN system, see Hellum and Aasen 2013; Black 2012.
- 35.
Its reservation reads: “In case of contradiction between any term of the Convention and the norms of Islamic law, the Kingdom is not under obligation to observe the contradictory terms of the Convention.”
- 36.
- 37.
According to classical Islamic law, women only have custody of their children until the children reach puberty. Upon divorce, they retain custody only if they do not remarry.
- 38.
Another example is the stipulation—based on the Qurʾan, 2: 282, and the Sunnah (al-Buḫāryy Nr. 301)—that a woman’s testimony equals half of that of a man’s. There is no way in which the right to a fair trial is ever reconcilable with this.
- 39.
- 40.
According to classical Islamic law, Muslim men can marry non-Muslim women if the latter are adherents of monotheistic faiths.
- 41.
See, e.g., the work of Sisters in Islam in Malaysia (<http://www.sistersinislam.org.my/>) or of the global kovement Musawah (<http://www.musawah.org/>). Cf. also Schröter 2017; Amipur 2013; Bennoune 2013; Abu-Zayd 2009.
- 42.
They do so not only because of generational trauma. As a female friend, raised in Bedouin society, explained to me, (grand)mothers often support FGM as the lesser evil in a particular dilemma: either they suppress the girl’s sexuality at a young age or risk her “honor killing” if she were to lose her virginity before marriage.
- 43.
For a noteworthy exception, see Joseph 2009.
- 44.
The question, however, of the extent to which threats to mental health should be considered in this regard, is an intricate one. In Ireland, for example, where, until the recent abortion law reform, abortions were only permissible in cases of rape or when the life of the mother was at risk (cf. Supreme Court of Ireland 1992), suicidal tendencies were regular claims of women seeking a termination of their pregnancy.
- 45.
I agree with Singer that it is not (cf. 1980/2011, p. 154). However, I do not think a leveling of protection to the disadvantage of the unborn is the only option here, much less if we take a human rights perspective.
- 46.
During the negotiations on the UDHR, a supplementary clause according to which human life should be protected from the moment of conception—suggested by Charles Malik—did not find support (cf. UN 1947b, p. 2).
- 47.
For the US abortion debate in the 1990s and its constitutional law aspects, see esp. Dworkin 1993.
- 48.
The argument from potentiality is, of course, not uncontested. Michael Tooley, for example, argues that it does not carry the obligation to not interfere with an unborn’s development, just as there was no obligation to bring a child into the world (1972, pp. 58f.). I am not convinced by this analogy. However, where critics of potentiality have a point is that alone it would not have any moral weight. Only in conjunction with the principle of human dignity can potentiality enfold its full moral potential. From a non-human rights point of view where only “agents” or “persons” have rights personality, such an axiological premise is, however, unacceptable. See Singer 1980/2011; Wellman 2011; Waheedi et al. 2018; MacMahan 2002.
- 49.
- 50.
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Frick, ML. (2019). The Idea of Human Rights in Global Contexts: The Equality Dimension. In: Human Rights and Relative Universalism. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-10785-7_4
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