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Nigeria: A Federation in Search of ‘True Federalism’

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The Political Economy of Federalism in Nigeria

Part of the book series: Federalism and Internal Conflicts ((FEINCO))

Abstract

This chapter focuses on issues related to increasing agitations since the democratic transition in 1999 for a more functional federal system that fairly distributes the oil wealth. Here it is argued that increased agitations in the democratic era reflect a structural problem in the distribution of opportunities in Nigeria’s oil-driven federalism. Indeed, there seems to be a consensus that the practice of federalism in Nigeria does not conform to the fundamental principles of federalism because of the many conflicts within the system. In other words, Nigeria epitomises a federation without federalism. This chapter, therefore, aims to examine the perception of the Nigerian people with regard to the practice of federalism in the country. In order to achieve this, an attempt is made to examine the mounting debate over ‘true federalism’ and restructuring, which have increasingly taken an ethno-regional dimension.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    In Nigeria, ‘Republic’ connotes the period of civilian administration. The Fourth Republic is, therefore, the period of civilian rule that began with the termination of military rule in 1999. The First Republic was the period of the first civilian administration which began from independence in 1960 and came to an end in 1966 when the military sacked the civilian government and installed the first military rule which terminated in 1979. The Second Republic was between 1979 and 1983. The Third Republic was aborted through the annulment of the 1993 presidential election.

  2. 2.

    According to the 1952/1953 census, the North’s population was 16.8 million, East, 7.2 million, West, 6.1 million, and the capital city, Lagos, 267,000 (Post and Vickers 1973, p. 81). Similarly, the 1963 census figures also painted a similar picture as follows: North——29,758,875; East—12,394,462; West—10,265,846, Mid-West—2,535,839; and Lagos-665,246 (Osaghae 1998a, p. 41).

  3. 3.

    The states created included North-Western, North-Eastern, Kano, North-Central, Benue-Plateau, Kwara, Western, Lagos, Mid-Western, Rivers, East-Central and East-Central states.

  4. 4.

    The states were: Anambra; Bauchi; Bendel; Benue; Borno; Cross River; Gongola; Imo; Kaduna; Kano; Kwara; Lagos; Niger; Ogun; Ondo; Oyo; Plateau; Rivers; and Sokoto.

  5. 5.

    The states were: Abia; Adamawa; Akwa Ibom; Anambra; Bauchi; Benue; Borno; Cross River; Delta; Edo; Enugu; Imo; Jigawa; Kaduna; Kano; Katsina; Kebbi; Kogi; Kwara; Lagos; Niger; Ogun; Ondo; Osun; Oyo; Plateau; Rivers; Sokoto; Taraba; and Yobe.

  6. 6.

    See Section 14(3) and (4) of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria. For a detailed analysis of the origin and dynamics of the principle, see K. Amuwo et al. (1998, pp. 99–210) and P. Ekeh and E. Osaghae (1989, pp. 111–140).

  7. 7.

    Chief Richard Akinjide was a member of the Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC) that drafted the 1979 Constitution. He made this claim in a newspaper interview (Sunday Tribune, 18 July 2010).

  8. 8.

    Oduduwa, sometimes called O’odua, is the ancestor of the Yoruba people. Afenifere is a pan Yoruba socio-political organisation formed by the late Obafemi Awolowo in 1951 to protect the interests of the Yoruba ethnic group within the Nigerian state. Likewise, the OPC, which was formed in 1994 as a self-determination movement following the annulment of the 1993 election, has as its objective the safeguarding of Yoruba ethno-nationalist interests vis-à-vis the Nigerian state (Nolte 2007, p. 217).

  9. 9.

    The Yoruba idea of federalism is well articulated in the position paper of Yoruba coalition groups titled, Regional Autonomy or Nothing, published in May 2014, and presented at the 2014 national conference organised by the Jonathan-led federal government. Page 5 of the 90-page document summarises their demands.

  10. 10.

    MASSOB was, at inception, a secessionist movement, which aimed to resurrect the defunct state of Biafra but the movement prides itself as a ‘non-violent movement with the main goal of achieving self-determination ’. For more on the creation, aim and activities of MASSOB, see www.massob.org. IPOB was particularly created as a secessionist movement and it remained so until its proscription in 2017.

  11. 11.

    Report of the Constitutional Conference (2014), published by Premium Times (Online), p. 44. This is hereinafter referred to as Conference Report (2014).

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Babalola, D. (2019). Nigeria: A Federation in Search of ‘True Federalism’. In: The Political Economy of Federalism in Nigeria. Federalism and Internal Conflicts. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05493-9_6

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