Abstract
In the last decade, protests in India, Brazil, and South Africa have affected political, social, and cultural processes in a number of ways. Various scholars have studied individual protests in these countries through different lenses on the causes, triggers, and reasons for protests, political economic and social context of these protests, and so on [Heller (BRICS from below: Counterpower movements in Brazil, India and South Africa. Open Democracy, 2015); Yadav and Chopra (International Journal of Trade and Commerce-IIARTC 4:411–422, 2015); Bastos et al. (First Monday 19(3), 2014); Gokay and Shain (Estudos Ibero-Americanos 41(2):242–260, 2015); Mendonça and Ercan (Policy Studies 36(3):267–282, 2015)]. In this chapter we attempt to address the conceptual understanding of the significant and lasting street protests that have burst out in large numbers across the varied geographical space in the global south, particularly in the countries of India, Brazil, and South Africa. We try to examine the origin, structure, and the social foundations of this publics’ outrage against authorities and their demands for greater accountability, transparency, and better governance. We argue that the protests in these countries have led to the emergence of new political actors—“protest publics” who have acted as watchdogs by raising concerns about the “quality of democracy” [Morlino (Changes for democracy: Actors, structures, processes. Oxford University Press, 2012)]. These protests have also led to significant social and political changes within these three nations by transforming the public sphere through a varied public discourse. Through this chapter, we argue that these demands have amalgamated into a meta demand which has consequently changed the dominating public discourses that are largely based on common peoples’ all-encompassing demands. These demands are ethical in nature and have been shaped considerably by common peoples’ understanding of what is right and what is wrong and what the government must do and must refrain from doing, giving these demands an extra normative layering. It has led to the emergence and convergence of diverse social groups and mini-publics [Della Porta (Mobilizing for democracy: Comparing 1989 and 2011. Oxford University Press, 2014)] who are focused on issue-based protests to generate a “meta-issue”—lack of governance which includes law and order problem, health and education problem, corruption, and economic inequality. The protest public emerges as a large tidal wave with an actorness for change having plurality of concerns, interests, and demands. It splashes the shores of the authorities forcefully with transformative demands. This chapter wants to further examine whether this horizontal bottom-up tidal wave demanding change among the mainstream political systems of the global south has expanded and increased the democratization of the polity and policy process.
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Notes
- 1.
“Lathi” in Hindi means sticks. It is a tactic used by police in India to disperse the crowd with the use of sticks.
- 2.
Interview with Fabio Andres Diaz, Research Associate at the Department of Political and International Studies at Rhodes University in South Africa, Researcher at the International Institute of Social Studies in the Netherlands.
- 3.
Interview with Esther Solano. Professor of International Relations at the Federal University of São Paulo (UNIFESP), Brazil.
- 4.
Labor unions started a nationwide strike in June 2017 against Temer government’s legislative changes to Brazil’s labor and pension law and protest by state workers against pension reforms in May 2017 and against the killing of Rio Councilwoman, Marielle Franco, and, her driver, Anderson Gomes’s murder to name a few.
- 5.
Interview with Esther Solano. Professor of International Relations at the Federal University of São Paulo (UNIFESP), Brazil.
- 6.
Interview with Esther Solano. Professor of International Relations at the Federal University of São Paulo (UNIFESP), Brazil.
- 7.
Interview with Esther Solano. Professor of International Relations at the Federal University of São Paulo (UNIFESP), Brazil.
- 8.
Interview with Esther Solano. Professor of International Relations at the Federal University of São Paulo (UNIFESP), Brazil.
- 9.
Protests against Vedanta bauxite mine in Niyamgiri, Orissa, in 2012 and in 2018 in Tuticorin, Tamil Nadu, against Sterling’s copper operations; localized protests by upper caste “Jats” in Haryana in 2016 and “Patidars” in Gujarat asking for reservation in 2015; protests by farmers in Maharashtra in 2018 and by Tamil Nadu farmers in Delhi in 2017 to name a few, Dalit movements (Rohit Vemula case).
- 10.
Jan Lokpal or Public Ombudsman is an anti-corruption bill drawn up by civil society activists in India to appoint a Jan Lokpal, an independent body to investigate corruption cases.
- 11.
Commonwealth game scam, the corporative housing scam, and finally the 2G spectrum scam.
- 12.
Interview with Subir Sinha, Chair of the Centre for South Asian Studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.
- 13.
It was 5.4% in 2012, shot up to 8.7% in 2016, but was managed later and was brought down to 3.4% in 2017.
- 14.
The GDP per capita in India, Brazil, and South Africa in 2011 was $1461, $13167, and $8049, while in 2016 was $1,709, $8649, and $5273, respectively.
- 15.
Unemployment, total (% of total labor force) (modeled ILO estimate) from World Bank Data (https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.UEM.TOTL.ZS?locations=BR-ZA-IN).
- 16.
Gini index of 0 represents perfect equality, while an index of 100 implies perfect inequality.
- 17.
69% of South Africa’s wealth is concentrated in the hands of just 20% of the population compared to 58% in Brazil and 44% in India.
- 18.
In 2006, close to 10% of the Brazilians trusted their government and this number reduced to 5.1% in 2014. Similarly, in 2006, close to 30% of South Africans trusted their government and this number reduced to 14.5% in 2013. In India, 15% of the people trusted their government and this number increased to 19% in 2012.
- 19.
In 2006, close to 55% of the Brazilians signed petitions and this number reduced to 44% in 2014. Similarly, in 2006, close to 11% (10.8%) of South Africans signed petitions and this number remained more or less the same (11.3%). In India, 22.6% of the people signed petitions and this number decreased to 13.7% in 2012.
- 20.
In 2006, 18% of the Brazilians has attended peaceful demonstrations and this number reduced to 16% in 2014. Similarly, in 2006, 12% of South Africans attended peaceful demonstrations and this number reduced to 9% in 2013. In India, 15% of the people trusted their government and this number increased to 18.4% in 2012.
- 21.
Survey date for Brazil is 2006 and 2014, for India is 2006 and 2012, and for South Africa is 2006 and 2013.
- 22.
A new political party named Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power.
- 23.
From 7.21 in 2010 to 6.9 in 2016 in Brazil, 7.79 (2010) to 7.41 (2016) in the case of South Africa, and 7.1(2010) to 6.9 (2016) in the case of India.
- 24.
Between 2011 and 2016, political pressure in South Africa which was low initially compared to the other two countries increased from 13/30 to 17/30 points, in India it increased from 17/30 to 21/30, and in Brazil it went up from 19/30 to 22/30 (Freedom House).
- 25.
The 2010 Ficha Limpa Act makes a candidate who has been impeached, has resigned to avoid impeachment, or has been convicted by a decision of a collective body (with more than one judge) ineligible to hold public office for 8 years, even if possible appeals remain.
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Rajhans, S.K., Biswas, S. (2019). Protest Publics as the “Watchdogs” of the Quality of Democracy in the Polyarchies of the Global South. In: Belyaeva, N., Albert, V., Zaytsev, D.G. (eds) Protest Publics. Societies and Political Orders in Transition. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05475-5_12
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