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Introduction: The Significance of Cultural Diversity on Peace-Building in Divided Societies

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Reconciliation and Building a Sustainable Peace

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Compromise after Conflict ((PSCAC))

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Abstract

This chapter introduces the main thesis of this book, i.e. the impact that identity and different interpretations of reality (worldviews) have on building a sustainable peace in societies emerging from conflict. It argues that competing worldviews are a significant, and often underappreciated, contributor to conflict and a barrier to their successful solution. For peace-building interventions to become sustainable worldview needs to be taken into consideration or it can risk hardening intergroup boundaries and the use of lethal violence. The chapter also introduces the South African case study and provides notes on the methodology underpinning the research informing this book.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The post-amble to South Africa’s Interim Constitution [See Appendix 1] and the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act No. 34 of 1995 (Department of Justice and Constitutional Development 1995) provide the framework in which to understand the mandate and work of the TRC (Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa 1998: vol. 1).

  2. 2.

    In August 2012, 34 miners were killed when police opened fire during a strike at the Lonmin mine in Marikana. It was seen to be one of the worst incidents of police use of force since Apartheid (Amnesty International 2015; Davies 2015; South African History Online, n.d.).

  3. 3.

    The RDP framework was later replaced by the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) strategy, followed by the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa, and most recently the National Development Plan (NDP). Nonetheless, many of the policies developed under the RDP framework are still relevant today.

  4. 4.

    It should be noted that not all scholars agree to the inclusion of reconciliation into the goals of transitional justice arguing that it renders it too broad and diminishes its effectiveness (Roht-Arriaza and Mariezcurrena 2006: 2; Weinstein 2011; Olsen et al. 2010).

  5. 5.

    The term ‘transitional generation’ is based on Robert Mattes (2011) delineation of South African political generations; the premise being that one’s politically formative years begin around the age of 16 years. From this, it was deduced that at the peak of the political violence when, in 1985, a state of emergency was declared, everybody within this age bracket would have been younger than 16 years of age. This means that while those at the upper end of the age spectrum would have had more awareness and memory of this period compared to those at the lower end, nobody would have reached their politically formative years. Consequently, persons within this age group would have experienced Apartheid only as children or young adults. Moreover, compared to the generation before them, they would have had limited experience of the struggle against Apartheid.

  6. 6.

    Historically, the DA was a party for ‘white’ voters. Today it is the official opposition party. Despite its large ‘black’ voter base is still perceived to be the party for ‘whites’.

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  1. Ulster University, Belfast, UK

    Cathy Bollaert

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Bollaert, C. (2019). Introduction: The Significance of Cultural Diversity on Peace-Building in Divided Societies. In: Reconciliation and Building a Sustainable Peace. Palgrave Studies in Compromise after Conflict. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03655-3_1

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03655-3_1

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