Abstract
In The Happy City, Zuccolo describes a “real life” example of a utopian city: the Republic of San Marino. Freedom is the essential factor that makes this city ideal: the citizens rule themselves and are free from internal strife. The causes of San Marino’s happiness are few and simple; some are attributed to its site, some to its people. The city’s rugged terrain makes it impregnable, its healthy location renders the citizens healthy and intelligent, whereas the cultivation its rocky fields requires harsh toil and forces the people to be laborious and avoid idleness. The citizens maintain a peaceful close-knit society by adopting a simple life-style, adhering to ancient laws and habits, avoiding extreme economic differences, and, most of all, embodying the virtue of prudence.
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Notes
- 1.
A Northern Italian town in the region of Emilia-Romagna.
- 2.
A Northern Italian city in the region of Emilia-Romagna. It was funded by the Romans during the Republican era. During Zuccolo’s time, Rimini was under the control of the Papal States.
- 3.
A city of central Italy in the region of Marche. During the Renaissance, particularly under the rule of Federico II, it was one of Italy’s most important artistic and cultural centers.
- 4.
It is possible that the image of Mondaino with which the dialogue begins is meant to do more than merely setting the scene—it may be intended as an anticipation of San Marino. The very brief depiction of Mondaino does contain some startling similarities with San Marino: both cities are located on a high hill and are notable for their production of wines and oil. Perhaps, Zuccolo wanted to capture the reader’s attention by giving a snapshot of the ideal place that he is about to examine in detail. In other words, the decision to begin dialogue with the idyllic image of a city perched on a hilltop is supposed to show what a desirable society looks like, features of which will be examined later on. On this reading, the frame of his dialogue is more than a mere introduction since it is intended to captivate the attention of the reader right from the start and make him amenable to appreciating San Marino, even before hearing anything about it. If our interpretation of the image of Mondaino is correct, The Happy City exhibits since the very beginning rhetorical aims that, as we shall point out later, are not very common in Renaissance utopias.
- 5.
This is a biographical note; Zuccolo did spend several years (1608–17) at the court of Urbino. In Considerations, he offers an intimate and quite bleak description of the reasons for his disillusionment with his experience as court intellectual and political advisor (See Considerazioni politiche, 286–290). Zuccolo’s biographical remark in The Happy City appears to be just a passing comment, yet it offers an insight into the conditions of humanists across different political systems during the Italian Renaissance. During the Renaissance, there were two main political systems in Italy in which humanists played very different roles. In principalities, such as Urbino, intellectuals and artists were mostly sought after for the prestige that their presence would give the ruler who was able to have them in his court. In Renaissance courts, however, humanists could find it challenging to play any meaningful role in the political decisions of the prince—they were often treated as precious ornaments for the aggrandizement of the prince’s reputation. By contrast, in republics such as Venice and Florence, humanists were central to the political life. In light of this context, it is revealing that Zuccolo defines his service at the court of Urbino, in somewhat dramatic terms, “mala avventurata servitù” which literally means “unfortunate servitude.” He does not complain about his material conditions, which must have been pleasant, but, as he subsequently clarifies, about his inability to affect (poco ascendente) the Duke’s political actions.
- 6.
Here, Zuccolo refers to an issue discussed intensely in the Renaissance: the “problem of counsel.” That is, the question of whether, and eventually how, a humanist or a philosopher should serve as the counselor of prince or a king with the aim of helping the ruler to act virtuously. Book one of More’s Utopia contains the most famous formulation of the several facets of this predicament. Hythloday argues pessimistically that Renaissance courts are so corrupt that intellectuals have no hope to have a positive impact. More (the character) replies that humanists should lower their expectations: they should not aim to implement great changes but should be contented with making small course corrections to the ruler’s policies. In Utopia , the problem of counsel is formulated and well fleshed out, but it remains unsolved. In book four of the Book of Courtier, Baldassare Castiglione (1478–1526) offers a cautious solution to the problem faced by intellectuals whilst serving a prince. He points out that the courtier who aims to guide a ruler’s political action towards virtue should not simply rely on arguments and logic, but should also entice the prince with rhetoric and his refined manners. Castiglione goes as far as to suggest that a courtier is more likely to succeed in getting the ruler to follow his advice if he can charm the prince through his sophisticated and admirable persona. Both Utopia and the Book of Courtier were part of Zuccolo’s intellectual background. More specifically, his terminology in these lines seems to refer to the Book of Courtier. When he states that intellectuals are unable to influence princes, he uses a special word: ascendente. This is an astrological term which refers to the influence of a zodiac sign on the development of someone’s personality. However, ascendente also has a figurative sense: it indicates the hold a person has over others in virtue of his charisma and captivating character. Zuccolo generalizes his failure at the court of Urbino and takes it as a proof of the impossibility of realizing the humanists’ dream of using their knowledge and skills to make rulers virtuous. More and Castiglione were aware of the practical challenges of this dream and explored them further; Zuccolo is even more pessimistic and concludes that such a dream can ever become a reality. It is telling that, in this dialogue, Zuccolo’s dark remark that intellectuals do not have the capacity to influence the world directly through political action is followed by the description of an ideal society. Of course, this is the same pattern of More’s Utopia where the description of the perfect commonwealth in book two is preceded by the analysis of the problem of counsel in book one. However, in More , the lack of a definitive solution to the problem of counsel shed an ambiguous light on the description of the ideal commonwealth. We can interpret it either as a form of escapism for intellectuals such as Hythloday who do not think they can influence ruler, but we can also consider it as an ideal which may inspire men of letters, such as More , the character of the dialogue, who think they can influence a prince. By contrast, in The Happy City, Zuccolo’s claim that intellectuals cannot influence rulers in any manner indicates quite unambiguously that the idealized portrayal of San Marino is a form of escapism.
- 7.
He is probably a historical character; Zuccolo may have met him during his university years in Bologna. See Pissavino, Le ragioni della Repubblica, 164
- 8.
Belluzzi often describes the characters in his dialogues as individuals who possess the requisite intellectual and social sophistication necessary to engage in learned conversations. These remarks are meant not only to make the dialogue more captivating, but also to illustrate an activity that is paramount for the happiness of the individual. From an Aristotelian perspective, the conversation between learned men is an essential element of what he considers the highest form of friendship, i.e., “contemplative friendship.” In short, these conversations are not only a refined pastime; they are a way to partake into one of man’s greater goals: intellectual pursuits. According to Aristotle, sharing such pursuits with another person makes them more enjoyable.
- 9.
Zuccolo describes the quality of what he learned from Moricucci by using an adjective gustoso (tasty, delicious), which is typically employed to refer to food. Perhaps, his choice of a food metaphor to describe knowledge is justified by the context, i.e. the comparison between the feeding of the body and that of the mind. However, Zuccolo’s choice may have had a more profound motivation. Sometimes food metaphors are used to depict intellectual pursuits to capture a specific quality of these endeavors. A famous example Zuccolo may have known is Aquinas’ description of theology as a “savory science” (sapida scientia) (Aquinas , Super II Epistolam ad Corinthios Lectura, c. 13, l.3, n. 539). Aquinas’ qualifies theology as “savory” to emphasize it is a science whose pursuit involves not only the mind, but also other aspects of our being. What is “tasted” is the spiritual experience of connecting with the divine and satisfying our desire to encounter God—a desire that is not exclusively intellectual. Perhaps, Zuccolo uses the adjective gustoso to stress that that what Moricucci discusses is not merely intellectually stimulating to him; it also connects with other dimensions of his being. Renaissance humanists did not merely have scholarly or intellectual interests in political issues; these concerns dominated their lives as countless examples demonstrate (e.g., Campanella , Machiavelli , Thomas More). The ideal of active life, to which so many humanists subscribed, indicates that politics was at the center of their lives. In this respect, it is revealing that The Happy City begins with the authors lament about having failed to use his learning to direct the political action of the court of Urbino.
- 10.
This brief remark assumes great significance since it explicitly points out that the description of San Marino is not a city panegyric, although it does present some features peculiar to this literary genre. The celebration of the virtues of San Marino is instrumental to the investigation of the characters that an ideal city should possess.
- 11.
Traditionally, the Giovanni Andrea Belluzzi to which Zuccolo refers was identified as the son of the famous architect Giovanni Battista Belluzzi; however, some scholars have suggested that he may have been his nephew. Nonetheless, it seems beyond doubt that Giovanni Andrea Belluzzi did hold several prominent political positions in San Marino from 1610–1621. See Pissavino, Le ragioni, 163–164.
- 12.
Belluzzi is credited with possessing prudence, a virtue that, we are told several times in the dialogue, is, to a major extent, responsible for marking San Marino an ideal place. In other words, he is not only a perfect Renaissance man capable of combining political accomplishments with intellectual excellence; he is the very embodiment of the perfect citizen of San Marino. The portrayal of Belluzzi, however, presents a problem that recurs throughout the course of the dialogue. The Happy City attributes to Belluzzi and his fellow citizens prudence (prudenza in Italian), a virtue that is never defined or described. The term prudenza occurs ten times in The Happy City and plays a pivotal role in Zuccolo’s explanation of what makes San Marino exceptional. He regards it to be the only non-natural cause of the city’s happiness . It is the main virtue that he ascribes to the citizens . Although Zuccolo does not define prudence , he describes its effects on San Marino very clearly. He notes that it is the virtue which permits the citizens to (1) keep the city free from foreign rule and (2) maintain its internal cohesion and harmony. Most likely, Zuccolo did not feel the need to define prudenza in The Happy City since it was a common technical term in Renaissance political discourse with which all his readers were familiar. However, a modern reader probably has only a vague sense of what Zuccolo means with this word. We follow the practice of most translators and render prudenza with “prudence .” This is the most literal translation of prudenza, although it does not capture all the nuances of the Italian word. Typically, the English term “prudence” is taken to mean “caution” and “astuteness;” although prudenza does convey these senses, the scope of its meaning is much broader. In Italian Renaissance ethical and political works, prudenza is a technical term; its antecedents are the Greek phronesis and the Latin prudentia —terms that have a specific meaning rooted in classical thought. An understanding of prudenza, therefore, requires a brief consideration of its Greek and Latin counterparts. Aristotle offers the first and most influential account of phronesis in book six of the Nicomachean Ethics where he defines it as the intellectual virtue that guides us to lead the “good life,” i.e., the life that fulfills our nature as social and rational animals. Phronesis identifies what is good, determines the right means to attain the good, assess a situation, and determine how to act in a given situation. The domain of phronesis is ethics; when this virtue is used within a political context, it is referred to as “political science.” Phronesis and political science are co-extensive, but the former pertains to the good of the individual, whereas the latter concerns the good of the city. Roman philosophers who wrote in Latin were faced with the challenge of finding an adequate term to translate phronesis . Cicero , who translated much of the Greek philosophical vocabulary into Latin, used the term prudentia . Unlike Aristotle, he employed the term in both ethics and politics. Cicero also attributes to prudentia a sense that, though it was not incompatible with Aristotle’s phronesis , was not spelled out by the Greek thinker, that is, the ability to foresee political developments and act accordingly. Cicero does not suggest that the prudent politician is a clairvoyant, but only that he can detect cycles that characterize the life of nations. During the Middle Ages, the notion of prudentia was systematized by Aquinas who considers it to be the linchpin of the ethical virtues and distinguished its different species, one of which is political prudentia . The most dramatic transformation in the history of the meaning of prudence occurs during the Italian Renaissance and is best illustrated by Machiavelli’s understanding of prudenza. However, we should not credit the Florentine humanist with single-handedly modifying the meaning of this term since such a change is the result of a long development that can be traced back to the end of the Middle Ages (see Lambertini , Political Prudence) as well as to the Italian humanist Giovanni Pontano (Richardson , “Pontano’s De Prudentia”). Machiavelli argues that prudenza is the fundamental quality that any successful political ruler or population must possess—he often uses it as a synonym of virtue (virtù ). However, in his works, prudenza loses the moral connotations it had until the Renaissance. A prudent ruler is not someone who pursues the good, but someone who “maintains his state.” Similarly, a prudent nation is one which is able to remain free and not become subject to another nation’s power. On this view, prudence is no longer the linchpin of the ethical virtues but of all those abilities that can be instrumental in “maintaining power”—they can be both moral and immoral. The semantic range of prudenza broadened significantly due to this change of perspective. In The Prince and the Discourses, Machiavelli uses prudenza to signify the ability to predict future dangers, see beyond appearance, act cautiously, and be flexible in the face of fluctuating circumstances. He also considers prudenza as the capacity to deceive people and lie, as long as these actions are taken by a ruler in order to maintain his power. The dramatic difference in the way Ancient thinkers and Machiavelli define prudence is attributable to their different ways of considering politics. In the Aristotelian tradition, prudence is a virtue, the goal of which is internal to the agent, regardless of whether he is a ruler or an entire population. Prudence is contrasted with a skill or an art which, in the Aristotelian sense, aims to produce something outside the agent (See Ginzburg , “Pontano, Machiavelli and Prudence”; Singleton , “The Perspective of Art”). On this view, the focus of a prudent ruler is to be good; that of, for example, a shoemaker is to make a good shoe. The practitioner of an art does not need to be a virtuous person, nor does he need to act morally; he is a good craftsman as long as his products are good. Machiavelli maintains Aristotle’s difference between virtue and art, but departs from the Greek philosopher in that he considers politics to be an art. On this view, the goal of prudent ruler is no longer internal (i.e., to be good), but external, that is, maintaining his power. He is like a craftsman and his product is his ability to maintain his political position. Zuccolo follows Machiavelli’s account of prudenza, but introduces some important novelties. In his short treatise On the Reason of State (1621), he argues that prudenza is synonymous with the expression, “reason of state.” According to Zuccolo, the reason of state should not be confused with politics or lawmaking; it is essentially an art which comprises of two basic skills. The first is the ability to individuate the means necessary to maintain political power and act in accordance to such means—this is the sense that prudenza has also in Machiavelli . However, Zuccolo adds another sense which is not contemplated by the Florentine humanist. Prudenza also refers to the skill “of giving form (forma) to a state,” i.e., to establish a state by giving it the constitution that is most apt for its success and survival. In other words, for Machiavelli , prudenza consists only in the skill of keeping the state; for Zuccolo, it is also the ability to create a new one. There is, however, a second crucial difference between the two. Machiavelli argues that prudenza sometimes requires rulers or nations to commit immoral actions in order to maintain the state. His idea is that immoral behavior is occasionally unavoidable because of human nature. By contrast, Zuccolo argues that immoral political actions are required only in certain political environments. For example, he observes that in Venice , there is no need for immoral conducts in politics since the constitution (forma) of the Republic is good. In Turkey, on the other hand, the ruler is left with no choice but to resort to murders, lies, and deceptions since the constitution of his state is tyrannical. Zuccolo distinguishes two types of prudenza and, in doing so, operates an original synthesis of classical and Machiavellian notions of prudence . He posits that the best and most authentic type prudenza excludes immoral behavior—this is the Classical idea of prudence. However, he diverges from Classical and Medieval thinkers in that he contends that this type of prudenza cannot be practiced in every circumstance as they believe; it can only be enacted in those states which have a good constitution. The second, inferior type of prudenza is Machiavelli’s one; but Zuccolo departs from the Florentine humanist since he argues that this type of prudenza is necessary only in corrupted states. Based on the analysis conducted so far, we can now understand what he means by prudenza in The Happy City. When Zuccolo argues that prudenza is the fundamental virtue of the citizens of San Marino , he refers to the first type. However, he also observes that prudenza is not only the reason why the citizens have been able to keep their city free for centuries; it also the virtue that guided them to establish their good constitution.
- 13.
In The Happy City, as well as in The Republic of Evandria, the narrator of the utopia possesses the fundamental qualities an ideal Renaissance man is expected to have. He is learned and intellectually gifted, but he is also a man of the world who has succeeded in the political arena. Interestingly, the narrator is someone who accomplished what Zuccolo could not, as he admits at the beginning of The Happy City. The choice of such a distinguished narrator seems a rhetorical device that is intended to make the description and assessment of the utopian society more persuasive. In More’s Utopia , Hythloday’s praise of the ideal society is, one could argue, undermined by the fact that he is a solitary intellectual who shies away from the realities of political life. In Campanella’s COS, the narrator is a sailor who, by his own admission, does not possess the intellectual sophistication to offer a proper evaluation of the validity of the political and social system he witnessed. By contrast, the characters of Zuccolo’s utopias (i.e., HC, RE) have the intellectual abilities and the practical experience that make them excellent and reliable judges of the commonwealth they describe.
- 14.
In this context, Zuccolo seems to use “wonder” (meraviglia) in the Aristotelian sense of intellectual curiosity ( Metaphysics , I, 2, 892b 10–16.) Although the Greek philosopher uses this term to refer to our reaction when encountering something we cannot explain, during the Italian Renaissance, it was not uncommon to use meraviglia to describe the astonishment one experienced when coming across an effective political system. In The Discourses (I.1), Machiavelli uses meraviglia in this manner when describing the enduring stability of the Rome’s legal system : “Coloro che leggeranno quale principio fusse quello della città di Roma, e da quali latori di leggi e come ordinato, non si maraviglieranno che tanta virtù si sia per più secoli mantenuta in quella città” (emphasis added). Zuccolo may have a rhetorical objective in stating that Moricucci was overwhelmed with wonder when he heard of San Marino’s ability to maintain its freedom . Perhaps, Zuccolo intended to alert the reader’s attention by stressing upon Moricucci’s strong reaction. More generally , the enthusiasm with which both Belluzzi and Moricucci celebrate San Marino’s exceptionalism is unusual in Renaissance utopias wherein the characters tend to oscillate between a moderate praise and a qualified critique of the ideal society.
- 15.
Right from the start, Zuccolo clarifies that what makes San Marino exceptional is that it has remained free for centuries. This accomplishment, though remarkable, pales in comparison to the attainments with which utopias are credited in Renaissance texts. The “modesty” of San Marino’s achievements is a testimony of the devastating impact that foreign invasions had on the Italian peninsula during the second part of the Renaissance. Zuccolo suggests, at least in The Happy City, that merely keeping itself free is sufficient for a city to be an ideal place.
- 16.
In the previous lines, Zuccolo mentioned Moricucci’s praise of San Marino; here he reports his actual words which contain a more complex and profound analysis. San Marino is celebrated not simply because it maintained its freedom but, more crucially, since most Italian cities which lived in the same circumstances failed to do so despite their greater power and wealth. What makes San Marino such an interesting case study is that although it should have been more vulnerable than other Italian cities according to normal indicators (wealth, power, etc.), it was, in fact, more successful. The analysis contained in The Happy City will reveal the surprising truth that the key to a city’s success lies not where people would generally expect.
- 17.
The claim about the antiquity of San Marino’s freedom is historically correct. According to the legend, the city was founded in 301 C.E. by saint “Marino” after whom the city is named. His dying words, directed to the citizens of the newly established city, underscore the connection between San Marino and political freedom : “I free you [i.e., the citizens ] from both men [i.e., the pope and the emperor].” The first credible record of the existence and independence of San Marino is “Placito Feretrano” which dates back to 885 C.E. This document, which reports a dispute between the bishop of Rimini and an abbot of San Marino , contains evidence that the city already had some degree of political and ecclesiastical independence at that time. The denomination “City of San Marino” (Terra di San Marino) goes back to the eleventh century. At that time, the city was already free and had maintained its independence ever since. For the history of San Marino, please see: Foresti , Quella nostra sancta libertà; Spadolini , San Marino.
- 18.
Captain Belluzzi examines the possible influence of stars and fortune on San Marino in some detail towards the end of the dialogue. The idea that the stars could influence the prosperity of a city or a state was extensively debated in the Renaissance. Some authors argued in its favor (Girolamo Cardano, Libellus qui dicitur Supplementum Almanach); others were skeptical about it (Bodin , Les Six livres de la République, IV. 2). We will discuss this issue further in note 111. On this topic see Baldi and Canziani , (eds ), Girolamo Cardano, 451–475; Grafton , Cardano’s Cosmos.
- 19.
Zuccolo’s reference to the possible role that fortune had on San Marino’s success is not a passing comment; this is a recurrent issue throughout the dialogue and was intensely debated in his time. During the Renaissance, it emerged a new way of thinking about the influence fortune has on the lives of men as well as nations. The Medieval idea, represented by the famous image of the wheel of fortune , according to which human beings are entirely at the mercy of fortune’s whims, was gradually replaced by a more optimistic view that man can control fortune , albeit only to some degree. Artists illustrated this new take on fortune with the image of a ship (a symbol of human life) on which man is in charge of the rudder, but fortune controls the sail. One of the best-known Renaissance analyses of the role of fortune is that of Machiavelli , whose ideas loom large over Zuccolo’s philosophy. In The Prince, he investigates how fortune shapes men’s life, but in the Discourses (II. 1) he examines its role in the rise and fall of nations—more precisely, of Ancient Rome . Machiavelli rejects Plutarch’s claim that Rome owed its greatness to fortune . He argues that, although fortune did facilitate Rome’s ascent, the decisive factor was its citizens’ extraordinary virtue. Towards the end of the dialogue, Zuccolo employs this very same argument to prove that although San Marino had been blessed in many ways, its greatness owes much to the virtues of its citizens . On the iconography of the Renaissance notion of fortune , see Bordignon, Centanni, Urbini, Barale, Sbrilli, Squillaro, “Fortuna during the Renaissance.”
- 20.
Zuccolo argues that the citizens’ prudence consists in the ability to keep their country free from foreign invasions. Later on in the text, he posits that their prudence also has other beneficial effects.
- 21.
In Greco-Roman mythology, the golden age is a period before recorded history in which human beings lived free from toil and suffering in complete harmony with nature. Many cultures have a myth which describes the beginning of the human race at a time when man lived in a state of bliss. In the Judeo-Christian tradition, we encounter the story of the Garden of Eden where human beings lived in innocence and had easy access to all that they needed to survive. Although scholars regard the accounts of the legendary ages in which man lived in a state of complete happiness to be the ancestors of the utopian genre, they concur that modern utopias depart from these mythic tales in one essential respect. In utopias, human beings are able to attain ideal living conditions through their own rational efforts by designing and establishing a society with very specific political and social structures. By contrast, deities granted the original state of bliss in which humans lived as per mythological tales—men had no role in bringing it about. However, when we consider references to the myth of the golden age in the Renaissance texts, we should be aware that, during this period, this myth underwent a revival: many works of poetry (e.g., Lope de Vega, Milton, Sidney, Spencer, Tasso ) and art (e.g., Poussin) retold and reinterpreted this myth in various ways. These Renaissance versions of the Classical myth constituted, in part, an alternative to utopias. Both genres shared the disillusionment with the current society and portrayed a better world, yet their philosophical outlook was radically divergent. Renaissance versions of the myth of the golden age often depict human nature as pure and civilization as a corrupting force. On the other hand, modern utopias rest on the premise that it is only through the process of civilizations that human beings can learn how to live together in peace and justice . The different philosophical premise on which the two genres stand upon explains their different focuses. Many Renaissance tales of the golden age look backward and advocate a nostalgic return to the beginning of mankind—they suggest that we can attain true happiness only by reconnecting with our original nature. By contrast, utopias think that it is through the perfection of our nature, by habituation and formal education , that we can create a better society. To that end, it is illuminating that the golden age exists in an imaginary past; yet, human beings create utopias, in the fiction of the stories, at some point in history. It would be incorrect to consider Zuccolo’s reference to the myth of the golden age simply as a passing remark not only due to this myth’s prominence in his time, but, more importantly, since he examines it in considerable detail in several of his political works (e.g., Alessandro and Secolo d’Oro). Moreover, in The Happy City Zuccolo does not only describe San Marino as a remnant of the golden age twice (here and at the end of the text); he also portrays it, throughout the course of the dialogue, almost as a legendary land that has not been blemished by the vagaries of civilization. The casting of San Marino as a vestige of the golden age seems to offer an exegetical clue as to the special type of utopianism Zuccolo develops in The Happy City. It appears that he employs the myth of the golden age as a corrective mechanism to what he considers the utopists’ extremes applications of otherwise correct principles. He seems to caution against taking too drastically the idea that human beings can reach happiness exclusively through deliberate and rigorous rational planning, as in More’s Utopia . In The Happy City, he often notes that San Marino’s success is due not only to men’s efforts, but also to its favorable natural conditions. More specifically, he credits San Marino’s success in avoiding foreign invasions to its foreboding site more than to anything else. Similarly, he considers the citizens’ virtuous character to be mostly a consequence of their difficult living conditions. As in the case of some Renaissance tales of the golden age, in The Happy City, men’s happiness is, to a great extent, a natural consequence of the environment in which they live. The contrast with More’s Utopia could not be starker. In the utopia of the English chancellor, the environment directly hinders the prosperity of the state and the well-being of its citizens ; they thrive only due to their extraordinary discipline, thoughtfulness, and organization. Against this backdrop, it is revealing that while many utopias (e.g., Campanella , COS, 10.161–11.169; More , Utopia, 111.6–17) have an origin story that goes back to a point in time when some people departed from the corrupted ways of the world and created a new society, The Happy City does not. Although San Marino has a traceable historical origin, Zuccolo prefers to shroud the city’s origin in mystery by observing that it is a “vestige of the golden age.” He seems to want to avoid grounding San Marino’s excellence in historical conditions brought about exclusively by men and suggest that its distinction emerged from the combination of various factors that occurred in a legendary past. In this respect, Zuccolo also departs from Machiavelli in a revealing way. In the Discourses, the Florentine humanist argues that successful republics are not born out of the blue all at once, but are the products of long, complex, and often conflict-ridden historical developments. By contrast, Zuccolo indicates that the excellence of San Marino is entrenched in its legendary foundation. In The Happy City, he also indirectly questions the merit of one of the central tenets of most Renaissance utopias, that is, the belief that a stable and thriving society requires a highly educated and intellectually refined population. In the dialogue, he repeatedly observes that often less intelligent and educated citizens (e.g., the Grisons, the Ragusans, the Swiss ) give rise to a better society than their clever and learned counterparts (e.g., Florentines). Zuccolo’s admiration for simple-mindedness has a ring of primitivism; it seems to allude to the praise of the purity of heart of pre-civilized men that was celebrated in some Renaissance versions of the myth of the golden age. In a nutshell, Zuccolo appears to make ingenious use of the myth of the golden age to remind us that reason alone cannot be responsible for the development of an ideal society. However, his celebration of the simple life of the citizens of San Marino —who seem to have no interest in art, literature, music , philosophy—appears to indicate to the pessimistic conclusion that cultural refinement brings no happiness . Zuccolo’s pessimism emerges, in more explicit terms, in Considerazioni where he describes the tension between happiness and civilization in these terms: “The ancient Arcadians were rightly called “happy;” yet, in the end, they were nothing more than shepherds, and uncouth and alpine hillbillies.” (Considerazioni, Oracolo, XV, 88). For a detailed study of the Renaissance revival of the myth of the golden age, please see: Levin , The Myth of the Golden Age.
- 22.
The idea that a city or a state bears traces of the golden age is not uncommon in Zuccolo . In the Considerazioni (28), he compares the Flanders under the rule of Philip the Good to the mythical age.
- 23.
Renaissance utopias often consist of a dialogue between a narrator who depicts a society he visited and a character who comments on what he hears. In The Happy City, Belluzzi is the narrator, and Moricucci is the listener. Typically, dialogues in Renaissance utopias are rather one-sided: the narrator is the more loquacious of the two, and his interlocutor tends to limit himself to asking brief questions that allow the former to clarify some finer points. In some cases, such as book two of More’s Utopia , the narrator (i.e., Hythloday ) is never interrupted and is allowed to give a long soliloquy. By contrast, the first part of The Happy City is characterized by a fairly lively dialogue; Moricucci is, however, much more than a literary device introduced to make the text more dynamic. Moricucci speaks for the first time directly in these lines which reveal one of his recurrent functions in the dialogue, that is, to celebrate San Marino . At this stage, this praise is quite perplexing and may seem premature since, up to this point, has the reader has not been told much about this society. Moricucci’s intervention seems to have a rhetorical role, that is, to pique the reader’s interest through the celebration of San Marino’s exceptionalism. In this respect, it is revealing that he offers no factual information about San Marino; he merely praises it in hyperbolic terms.
- 24.
In these lines, Zuccolo indicates very clearly that he adopts the republican notion of freedom according to which being free entails not being subject to the arbitrary will of someone else. On this analysis, freedom is a status: to be free is the opposite of being a slave. In classical times, this idea of freedom was articulated by the Roman historians Livy and Tacitus and was codified in the Roman laws. One of the most influential Italian Renaissance accounts of the Republican idea of freedom is found in Machiavelli’s Discourses (I.1–2; II.1). For an analysis of the Renaissance notion of freedom , see Skinner , The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, 69–112.
- 25.
This is the first time that Belluzzi speaks. His initial comments do not add much to what Moricucci said; they seem to serve the rhetorical purpose of impressing on the reader’s mind how exceptional it was for San Marino to remain free in a geographical area (i.e., Italy) that has been continuously tormented by foreign invasions. The restatement of Moricucci’s remarks is also Zuccolo’s way to stress that the ability to maintain freedom is one of the main reasons that makes San Marino an ideal place. Long-term freedom from incursions is a very modest achievement when compared to the cultural, economic, social, and political accomplishments typically attributed to Renaissance utopias. However, the amazement with which the characters of the dialogue comment on San Marino’s centuries-long freedom is a powerful testimony of how improbable it was for an Italian city to be exempt from external threats in Zuccolo’s time.
- 26.
Torquato Tasso , Jerusalem Delivered, VII, 9. The text reported by Zuccolo departs from the original in an important way: it mentions that a city is spared from an attack where the original refers to a shepherd. Tasso says: “whether by Heaven’s grace the humble life of the innocent shepherd is spared and lifted up.” The aim of this quotation, however, is much more than a display of erudition since it anticipates two of the main reasons why San Marino has managed to remain free from invasions, i.e. obscurity and poverty . Stylistically, The Happy City departs from some of the literary conventions of the utopian genre: instead of presenting the distinctive features of the utopian society in a linear fashion one after the other, it often alludes and anticipates traits that it will present at a later stage. The use of these and other literary devices reveals that The Happy City has a rhetorical goal that is typically absent in utopias, that is, to entice the reader to believe in San Marino’s exceptionalism. Typically, utopists aim to convince the reader of the desirability of the society they invent merely through the elucidation of its achievements; they appeal to our reason and imagination, and not our emotions. By contrast, Zuccolo resorts to a variety of rhetorical devices (quotations, anticipations, panegyrics, etc.) to persuade us about San Marino’s greatness. The literary originality of The Happy City is underscored also by its combination of various literary genres (utopia dialogue, philosophical treatise, city panegyric) as discussed in Chap. 10.
- 27.
Here, Belluzzi focuses only on the strategic value of San Marino’s site; later on, he celebrates its healthy air and natural resources.
- 28.
The first feature of San Marino that is mentioned is its site’s defensibility. The problem of defense plays a central role in many Renaissance utopias. See Campanella’s COS, (4.15); More , Utopia, (108.14–110.5; 118.3–6); Patrizi’s HC, ch. IX; Zuccolo, RE.
- 29.
In this dialogue, Zuccolo points out several times that the citizens of San Marino are virtuous not only because of their education and the laws of their society, but also due to natural qualities brought about by the natural environment within which the city is situated. Zuccolo departs from the long-standing idea—shared by many utopists—that upbringing and social environment are the only determining factors in making people virtuous.
- 30.
Belluzzi spells out what his quotation of Tasso’s passage anticipated: one of the causes of San Marino’s happiness is its poverty .
- 31.
In this dialogue, Zuccolo limits his analysis of a city’s ability to defend itself from attacks to the consideration of one factor only, that is, the site. In The Republic of Evandira, he will devote some attention to another factor that Italian Renaissance utopists and military architects discussed to a great length: fortifications . Zuccolo’s treatment of the issue of the defense of a city in The Happy City suggests that he regards, at least in this dialogue, fortifications not to be a decisive element. In the Italian Renaissance, political theorists, architects, and military strategists oscillated between the belief that fortifications have no efficacy and the view that they play a paramount role in the defense of a city. In The Republic of Evandira, Zuccolo strikes a middle ground between these two extremes; in The Happy City, he seems to adopt Machiavelli’s opinion (Discourses, II. 24) that fortifications do little to protect a city.
- 32.
It is the ancient Greek name for a site, in modern day Pakistan, which was conquered by Alexander the Great after an intense battle. In this case, as in the other instances mentioned in these lines, Zuccolo refers to nearly impregnable fortresses that were, nonetheless, eventually conquered.
- 33.
It was the “acropolis” of the Ancient Greek city of Corinth. In Ancient Greece, the “acropolis” (literally the “upper city”) was a part of the city, often the oldest, which was on an elevated area, a hill or a small mountain. Perhaps, Zuccolo mentions Acrocorinth since despite its formidable walls, greatly enhanced by the Byzantines, it was conquered in 1210 during the Fourth Crusade—though only after several years of siege.
- 34.
A small town in Northern-western part of Italy.
- 35.
A town in the Northern-western part of Italy founded by the Romans. Zuccolo mentions it here since, although Monfalcone had impressive walls, it was conquered several times during the Renaissance by the French (1511), the Venetians (1420, 1514), and the Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I (1513).
- 36.
A Northern Italian fortified town in the region of Emilia-Romagna. Most likely, Moricucci mentions San Leo since its history offers one of the best examples of how site and fortifications are, ultimately, unable to prevent a city from being conquered—no matter how formidable they are. During the fourteenth and the fifteenth century, San Leo was repeatedly captured despite its very strategic defensive position. During the sixteenth century, the citadel’s defensive system was completely upgraded by the prominent military architect Francesco di Giorgio Martini who implemented the most advanced theories and technological solutions known at that time. Nonetheless, San Leo was captured repeatedly. It was conquered in 1502 by Cesare Borgia, in 1503 by Guidobaldo da Montefeltro, and in 1516 by the Florentine troops.
- 37.
These lines reveal one of the recurrent ways in which Moricucci contributes to the dynamic of the dialogue. He formulates an objection which leads Belluzzi to further explain what makes San Marino unique. In this case, the discussion focuses on San Marino’s ability to maintain its freedom over several centuries.
- 38.
The villages which constitute San Marino are, in fact, nine: Acquaviva, Borgo Maggiore, Chiesanuova, City of San Marino, Domagnano, Faetano, Fiorentino, Montegiardino, and Serravalle.
- 39.
Zuccolo uses the word castello which, in this context, does not mean “castle” but “village.”
- 40.
Zuccolo here supports the common argument that mercenaries are less committed and dependable soldiers than citizens since the latter have a vested interest in the cause for which they fight. One of the possible sources of Zuccolo is Machiavelli’s famous formulation of this argument in chapters XII-XIII of The Prince.
- 41.
Moricucci’s role is, once again, that of raising an objection so that Belluzzi can further explain San Marino’s exceptionalism. In the next line, Belluzzi observes that the citizens of San Marino do not put their trust only in the site; they also take care of organizing the watch of the city gates properly. In this case, Moricucci’s observation that even the most formidable site cannot protect a city from external opponents if the citizens can be corrupted prompts Belluzzi to comment briefly on the efficacy of the defensive strategies of the citizens of San Marino.
- 42.
Here, Moricucci is referring to a legend well known in Zuccolo’s time. According to this story, when Philip of Macedon’s advisors told him that the city he was planning to attack was unconquerable, he replied that he might be able to take control of the city if he corrupted some of its citizens . He believed that if he sent soldiers with a donkey carrying a great amount of gold to the city gates, someone from inside the city would certainly let them enter. Plutarch narrates this episode in Moralia. Sayings of Kings and Commanders: Philip, 14. However, Zuccolo may have also read this legend in Petrarch, Letters of Old Age, VII 1 6.
- 43.
The “rescue gate” was a common feature of Medieval and Renaissance castles and walled cities; it gets its name from the role it played in times of crisis. The rescue gate was a secret entrance that gave access to a hidden passage which connected the castle/city to the external world. This gate, which was known by only a chosen few, was used only in critical situations (e.g., during a siege) to make sure that the people inside the castle/city could kept getting vital resources (e.g., food, water, weapons, etc.) and remained in contact with their allies.
- 44.
In these lines, Zuccolo reports Machiavelli’s words almost verbatim. In the Discourses II.2, the Florentine humanist observes that the Romans encountered great challenges when they attempted to conquer Italian populations who were used to be politically free.
- 45.
Pisa is a city in central Italy in the region of Tuscany. It rose to prominence during the Middle Ages when it was one of the main maritime republics of Italy. It lost its freedom to Florence in 1406 following a long period of resistance.
- 46.
We should not take Zuccolo’s mention of divine intervention as a reference to a theological theory; it is merely a metaphorical way to say that harmonizing the citizens’ desires is a most demanding task the success of which is also predicated on circumstances that are beyond human control.
- 47.
The idea that there is a direct correlation between the intelligence of citizens and political stability is a recurrent theme in Zuccolo’s works. In Considerazioni, he notes that although the ancient Athenians were far superior to the Spartans in intellectual achievements, their city never attained Sparta’s social and political harmony (Considerazioni, Oracolo, XXXI, 150–151).
- 48.
In these lines, Zuccolo takes the word animo (spirit ) to correspond to the Greek thumós that, in the Politics , Aristotle uses to indicate a person’s resistance to domination. The Greek thinker remarks that the thumós of a population is one of the decisive factors in determining the type of political system they adopt. People with a weak thumós often choose tyrannical rule since they easily allow themselves to be subjugated. By contrast, those who have a strong thumós find it difficult to form any kind of political union ( Politics , VII.7, 1327b 23–31). Here, Moricucci is clearly alluding to Aristotle’s view, but he turns it on its head to reveal one of the key ingredients of a thriving republic, which is the form of government he favors. According to the Greek philosopher, it is a disadvantage for people to have a weak thumós since it makes them willing to be dominated and causes them to live in an undesirable political system: tyranny. By contrast, Zuccolo argues that it is advantageous for people to have a weak spirit since (1) it renders them more willing to agree with one another rather than to be subjugated, as Aristotle claims, and (2) makes it easier for them to live in a republic.
- 49.
Zuccolo mentions Florence as a negative example of a city that is incapable of maintaining political peace and stability in other works as well. See Il Guarino, 32.
- 50.
They are the inhabitants of one of the states which compose the Swiss Confederation.
- 51.
Zuccolo’s observation hints at the contrast between happiness and civilization we have already discussed in note 23.
- 52.
During the Renaissance, Switzerland was, and remains to this day, a confederation of different states, each with its constitution, legal system, and government.
- 53.
De Mattei leaves this sentence out of his edition of The Happy City with no explanation (De Mattei , La Repubblica, 81); we adopted Bernardy’s suggestion in his edition to keep this line in the text since it occurs in the latest printed edition of the work (1625).
- 54.
Ragusa is the Latin name of the Croatian city Dubrovnik located on the Adriatic Sea. The city reached its economic and political peak during the Renaissance when it was a maritime republic.
- 55.
Renaissance political theorists often mentioned Ragusa as an example of a city that managed to avoid foreign invasions, despite being surrounded by aggressive populations. Machiavelli cites it in the Discourses, but he credits its ability to remain free not to the citizens’ ability to get along, as Zuccolo does, but to the scarce natural rescues of its territory (Discourses, I. 1, 7). See also Bodin, The Six Books of the Republic, I. 2; I. 5.
- 56.
Zuccolo knew Ragusa first hand since he visited it in 1617.
- 57.
Once again, Zuccolo argues that poverty often helps a state to remain free and united. The reader, who is familiar with Machiavelli’s Discourses, will not find Zuccolo’s position strange. In III.25, the Florentine humanist goes as far as to say: “the most important thing to establish in a free society is a way to keep the citizens poor.” Then, he shows the extent to which poverty was honored in Republican Rome by citing the examples of some Roman statesmen (Cincinnatus , Marcus Regulus, and Paulus Emilius) who contented themselves with very little despite having achieved much for the republic. In I.37, Machiavelli indicates how discord arose in Rome when changes in the agrarian laws made it easier for people to enrich themselves.
- 58.
Zuccolo implies that long-standing habits are more effective than any law in regulating the citizens’ behaviors. The philosophical underpinning for this view is Aristotle’s theory according to which moral virtues cannot be taught but are acquired by habituation. It could also be possible that Zuccolo was influenced by Plutarch’s Life of Lycurgus which attributes, to the Spartan ruler, the belief that the virtue and prosperity of a state cannot be brought about with laws and regulation, but by inculcating the corrected values into the citizens’ hearts through enduring habits (Plutarch, Life of Lycurgus, 13, 2).
- 59.
Moricucci stresses, once again, that one of the central reasons for San Marino’s exceptionalism is that its citizens possess a specific virtue: prudence. In this case, however, he reveals another positive impact of the citizens’ prudence. At the beginning of the dialogue, he considers prudence one of the main factors of San Marino’s freedom from external domination; in these lines, he posits that prudence is what allows citizens to maintain internal political stability and avoid uprisings.
- 60.
After this lengthy section, Moricucci remains silent for the rest of the dialogue and lets Belluzzi describe San Marino uninterruptedly. However, the significant aspect of Moricucci’s final speech is that it provides Belluzzi, albeit only to some extent, with the blueprint for his idealized depiction of San Marino. Moricucci examines the challenges of keeping a state impervious to inner strife, exposes the difficulty in dealing with very intelligent citizens , points out tradition’s ability to maintain a country harmonious and peaceful, and stresses the impact that location and weather have on citizens . In his speech, Belluzzi will address all these issues, although he will introduce new ones as well.
- 61.
That is, humidity.
- 62.
The theory that clean and healthy air has a significant impact on the well-being of citizens features prominently also in Patrizi (HC, ch. V).
- 63.
The notion that the climate of a region shapes the intellectual and moral makeup of its inhabitants appears in Aristotle’s Politics (II, 6, 1265a; II, 7, 1327b; VII, 7). In his most extensive analysis of the issue ( Politics , VII, 7), Aristotle argues that the weather not only determines a man’s intellectual abilities, but also his “spirit ” (thumós) which, in this context, indicates, as noted before, resistance to domination. Belluzzi does not mention the spirit ; he only comments on the citizens’ intelligence. The Greek philosopher does not only claim that weather shapes people’s moral and intellectual characters; he also explains how this occurs. He holds that temperature is the decisive factor: people living in cold regions are full of spirit but have a deficient intellect; those in warm areas have the opposite traits. Belluzzi briefly remarks that the intellectual qualities of the citizens of San Marino are caused by the thin and dry air they breathe.
- 64.
Belluzzi’s observation is a direct response to Moricucci’s argument that it is often difficult for very intelligent people to agree with one another and pursue the common good. Belluzzi addresses this problem in two phases. First, he identifies the type of intelligence that is being discussed here. He qualifies the general claim that the citizens of San Marino have “subtle and dynamic minds” by indicating that they are capable of “sound reasoning” and “discerning judgments.” This qualification indicates that the intelligence here debated is not theoretical intelligence, but practical intelligence—Belluzzi does not use the term “prudence,” but he is clearly referring to it. His second step is to address the problematic relation between “prudence” and “deception.” In his influential analysis, Aquinas argues that “shrewdness” (solertia) is a crucial component of prudence (S. Th., II–IIae, q. 48, a. 1). Although we can consider the word “shrewdness” to refer to behaviors that contain a certain degree of manipulation, Aquinas does not contemplate this meaning. However, when Pontano (De Prudentia, IV. 97–98) and Machiavelli (Discourses, I. 19) examine prudence, they understand “shrewdness” to indicate the ability to dissimulate and deceive. It is this darker aspect of prudence that Zuccolo examines in this section of The Happy City. When Moricucci complains the that Florentines’ intelligence causes them to purses personal advantages instead of the common good, he is not referring to the intellectual skill required to solve a mathematical problem, but to wiliness put in the service of self-interest. Belluzzi does not tackle this issue directly, but he alludes to the idea formulated by both Pontano and Machiavelli that the determining factor in assessing whether or not manipulation is acceptable is a person’s intrinsic motivation. If deception is performed for personal gains is to be condemned; if it is a means of furthering the well-being of the state, it is acceptable. For example, Pontano justifies Romulus’ deception in the abduction of the Sabine women since it was dictated by the necessities of the state (De Prudentia, I. 106). Similarly, in the Discourses, Machiavelli uses various examples from Roman history to illustrate the distinction between these two types of deception (Discourses, I. 11; I. 19; I. 51; III.2; III.6; III.12).
- 65.
The properties of San Marino’s mineral waters were well-known in the Renaissance and were also described by the Florentine author Mengo Blanchello in the De Balneis, (c. 73a).
- 66.
Zuccolo’s assessment of the wines produced in San Marino was not uncommon in his time. See also Lucas de Linda, Descriptio orbis et omnium ejus rerum publicarum, 673; Maiolino Bisaccioni, Le descrittioni uniuersali et particolari del mondo, et delle republiche, 375.
- 67.
The idea that a region’s climate and food have a significant impact on the physical and intellectual well-being of its inhabitants is a recurrent theme in Zuccolo. See also Zuccolo, Considerazioni, 86; Discorso dello Amore verso la Patria, 77–78.
- 68.
The “fundamental” reasons why San Marino has been able to retain its freedom are due, according to Belluzzi, not to man’s effort, but nature. Apart from the fact that the citizens benefit from the city’s site, their prudence is caused by a natural factor, i.e., thin and dry air. Later on in the dialogue, Belluzzi qualifies this statement by crediting his citizens’ intellectual skills to their upbringing; yet, he makes this comment almost in passing and provides no details about their education . Belluzzi’s insistence that natural conditions play a major role in making San Marino free (and happy) underpins the originality of his utopia. He departs from the Renaissance utopists’ belief that the happiness of the state is mainly attributed to man’s efforts. Interestingly, in The Republic of Evandria, Zuccolo formulates a more nuanced view according to which both natural conditions and man’s intervention are necessary to establish an ideal society.
- 69.
Zuccolo observes that the citizens’ prudence is responsible for yet another crucial factor in San Marino’s happiness , i.e., the relatively equal distribution of wealth. Earlier on in the dialogue, Moricucci observed that the citizens’ prudence plays a fundamental role in the city’s ability to remain free of forging domination and internal turmoil.
- 70.
One of the central themes of this utopia and, more generally, of Zuccolo’s political thought is that a city remains united and free only if the citizens have limited wealth and their economic status is of a fairly similar level. Zuccolo rejects the communism of other Renaissance utopists (e.g., Campanella’s COS; Doni’s WCW; More’s Utopia ); he argues in favor of a society in which most citizens have a comparable amount of wealth. His view is based not on moral principles or political ideals, but on practical considerations. In the next lines, he will examine the dangerous ramifications of a vast economic inequality amongst citizens .
- 71.
Here, Zuccolo begins a relatively lengthy examination of the advantages a city has when most of its citizens have a similar amount of wealth—i.e., when they are neither too poor nor too rich. Aristotle calls this constitution the “middle constitution” where “constitution” refers to a group of people sharing specific laws, habits, and goals. Zuccolo remarks that one of the reasons for San Marino’s greatness is the relative economic equality amongst its citizens before examining the virtues of this type of equality in broader and abstract terms. He articulates his analysis of the “middle constitution” into two parts: a study of the benefits this constitution brings to a city, and the description of ways in which it can be maintained. The first part of Zuccolo’s investigation follows Aristotle’s Politics IV.11 quite closely. He also offers very similar considerations in his most overt utopian text, i.e., The Republic of Evandria wherein he quotes the sections of Politics IV.11 which he rephrases in The Happy City. Zuccolo’s insistence on the values of the “middle constitution” indicates the regard with which he held this idea in his political thought. It is also telling that Aristotle’s theory features so prominently in two utopian texts since, by the Greek philosopher’s own admission (1296 a37–38), although the “middle constitution” is the best one, it is realized very rarely and that too, in a few places. Aristotle considers the “middle constitution” to be the best one since it is the middle between two extremes, just as virtue is the midway between two vices. Zuccolo is not interested in this theoretical consideration and focuses on Aristotle’s more “psychological” and “sociological” reflections about the advantages of the “middle constitution.” The Greek thinker formulates two main arguments. The first (1296 b 6–12) is that excessive wealth and extreme poverty are most likely to prevent a person from becoming virtuous since these two extreme conditions tend to make him either very insolent (wealth) or resentful (poverty ). The second argument (1296 b 13–27) is that people who are generally born in great wealth tend to oppress others and do not know how to obey, while those born in extreme poverty grow up to be too meek and are unable to rule. Zuccolo follows Aristotle’s arguments quite closely; the main variation he introduces is that the excessively poor people are not too meek, but lack respect for the laws. The second part of Zuccolo’s analysis of the “middle constitution” examines how to preserve it, and it has no counterpart in Aristotle’s Politics IV.11. This is the only section of The Happy City in which the Italian humanists describes San Mario’s legal system , though his comments are very sparse. Zuccolo adopts the view, which is also common to most Renaissance utopists, that virtuous habits play a greater role in maintaining the constitutions of a state than laws. He argues that few laws against lending and borrowing money, a fair administration of justice , and the reliance on traditional ways are sufficient to preserve economic equality amongst the citizens of in San Marino.
- 72.
Zuccolo follows Aristotle’s words in Politics IV, 11, 1295b 5–12 very closely. Interestingly, Zuccolo’s words are almost identical to those of Campanella in COS (24.511–25.512). Although Zuccolo’s reports Aristotle’s comment, he does not flesh out his argument. The Greek thinker contends that excessive wealth and extreme poverty make it more difficult for men to obey reason, but does not fully explain the rationale behind his observation. According to the context, it appears as though he may think that those who are too rich disregard reason due to arrogance, whereas those who are too poor reject it since they became very aggressive.
- 73.
Zuccolo formulates the same argument and conveys it with similar words in Considerazioni (212) where he also quotes the Roman historian Sallust (Catilina, XXXVII.2; LII. 22) as an authority. In the COS, Campanella expresses the same idea using nearly identical words (24.513–25.514).
- 74.
In this paragraph, Zuccolo follows Aristotle’s Politics (IV.11, 1295a–b) closely.
- 75.
Zuccolo is alluding to Aristotle’s notion of virtue as a mean between two extremes that was famously examined in book two of the Nicomachean Ethics and illustrated with several examples in books three and four.
- 76.
Zuccolo rephrases Aristotle’s argument ( Politics , IV, 11, 1295b 28–33) as per which “middle citizens” are in the ideal condition since their average economic status prevents them from (1) experiencing the extreme emotions felt by those belonging to other classes and (2) acting in vicious ways. The poor are envy and resentful since they have too little and are likely to connive against the rich and behave violently. On the other hand, excessive wealth makes the rich afraid of being robbed and inclined to oppress others in order to safeguard their assets. In other words, a person’s economic condition is a crucial factor in their ability to become virtuous.
- 77.
Zuccolo notes explicitly that his goal is not to discuss the best political system in abstract terms, but the one that is more applicable in real life. One factor that separates Zuccolo from most Renaissance utopists is his pragmatism. In these lines, he is willing to concede the attractiveness of autocratic systems; yet, he rejects them solely due to the practical problems they generate.
- 78.
This sentence seems slightly at odds with the rest of the discussion. Zuccolo has been examining (and will continue to) the connection between inequality and political instability, so why does he refer to aristocratic constitutions? His motivation becomes clear when we consider that he is very closely following his source, that is, Aristotle’s Politics , IV.4. In this chapter, the Greek philosopher argues that the best political constitution is the “middle constitution” and contrasts it with the aristocratic constitutions he has discussed before. He mentions the aristocratic constitutions not merely to recall his previous analysis, but also to emphasize the desirably of the middle constitution by showing that it avoids the problems faced by others. In this line, Zuccolo mentions the aristocratic constitutions since he is paraphrasing Politics , IV.4 and, perhaps, because he realized that contrasting the middle constitution with the aristocratic strengthen his argument as well. However, his comment appears somewhat out of context since he did not mention aristocratic constitutions before and does not explicitly highlight the contrast between the two types of constitutions.
- 79.
The word used by Zuccolo is amore, which means “love.” In this case, however, “friendship” is a more appropriate translation. Here, amore corresponds to the Greek philía which, though can be translated to “love,” indicates, especially in Aristotle, any kind of relationship between human beings other than romantic. For example, the bond between business partners, parents and children, friends, etc. In this line, Zuccolo is referring to the special type of relationship which brings people living in the same city together—a relationship that is more accurately described as friendship rather than love.
- 80.
Usury was a recurrent concern for the citizens of San Marino . Although it had already been regulated by the statutes of 1352–53, it continued to pose a societal problem until 1618–19 when it was created a public fund which assisted the citizens who were victims of usury. See Malagola , L’archivio governativo, 146–47.
- 81.
Zuccolo’s “realistic” or “pragmatic” utopianism could not be more explicit: he has just elucidated the qualities that a happy society must possess and, now, points out that San Marino possesses all such traits. In other words, he first depicts a utopian state in abstract terms and, then, shows how such a state exists in reality.
- 82.
After having discussed how equality and moderate wealth are fundamental elements for any happy society at length, particularly San Marino , Zuccolo introduces another crucial ingredient, i.e. the absence of foreigners . In The Republic of Evandria, he is even more vocal about the need for a city which wants to be united and safe to limit the presence of foreigners in a very stringent manner. Several Renaissance utopias (Agostini, IR, 47, 65–68; More, Utopia , 185.8–17; Campanella , COS, 33.730–742) devote some attention to the role of foreigners . Typically, foreigners who are only interested in visiting the state are welcomed and treated with great honor (Agostini, IR, 68; More , Utopia, 185.8–17; Campanella , COS, 33.737–739), but are permitted to stay only for a limited period of time (Campanella, COS, 34.738). In some cases, they may remain permanently on the condition that they completely embrace the customs of the utopian society and pass a probation period successfully (Campanella , COS, 33.739–742). An argument commonly used by the critics of utopia is that the implicit theoretical reason for the utopists’ concerns relating to foreigners is that utopian societies are very static (e.g., Dahrendorf, Kolakowski) and that any external influence can be highly disruptive. In this respect, it is telling that in many dystopian novels, the status quo is often disrupted by someone who is a foreigner (e.g., Bulwer-Lytton’s The Coming Race, Butler’s Erewhon, Hudson’s A Crystal Age, Wells’ The Sleeper Awakes and The Time Machine) or does not readily conform to the norms of society (e.g., Bradbury’s Fahrenheit 451, Huxley’s Brave New World, Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four, Zamyatin’s We). However, a closer analysis reveals that Renaissance utopias are more open to foreigners that it may seem on the surface. For example, in More’s Utopia , most Utopians embrace enthusiastically, and also with the blessing of the state, many of the novelties brought by their visitors: Christianity (Utopia , 218.28–220.21), Ancient Greek (Utopia , 180.2–21), and classical authors (Utopia , 180.22–182.1-19). Zuccolo’s hostility towards foreigners may have its roots in Classical and Renaissance sources more than in the modern utopian tradition. In Life of Lycurgus, a work that had a significant influence on The Happy City, Plutarch reports that the Spartans rulers forbade them from travelling to other countries and regularly expelled foreigners from the city in order to ensure that the citizens remained virtuous (Plutarch, The Life of Lycurgus, 27, 5–27, 9). Similarly, in Discourses (I.55) Machiavelli argues that one of the essential preconditions for a city to be virtuous is for its citizens to have minimal contacts with foreigners . It is also possible that Zuccolo’s distrust of foreigners was rooted in a historical reason, that is, the deleterious effects that the political influence of foreigners had on Italian peace and stability during the Renaissance.
- 83.
One of the possible sources of Zuccolo’s idea that commerce and import of foreign goods can exert a corruptive influence on the citizens is Plato’s description of the imaginary island of Magnesia (Plato, Laws, III. 705a–b).
- 84.
The distrust of doctors is a common theme in Renaissance literature.
- 85.
In San Marino, the 1352–53 statutes introduced monetary fines against adultery, prostitution, and rape. Please refer to Malagola , 174–75.
- 86.
Zuccolo is probably alluding to gambling which he expressly forbids in his other utopian text, that is, The Republic of Evandria. Gambling and card games are a strictly prohibited in Campanella’s COS as well (24.508–510).
- 87.
The corruptive force of performances is also recognized and discussed by Patrizi (HC, ch. XV).
- 88.
It is, most likely, tennis. See McClelland , Ball Games, 46–64.
- 89.
It is, probably, some form of football. See McClelland , Ball Games, 46–64.
- 90.
Zuccolo here lists leisure activities typically advocated by Renaissance humanists. See Alberti, I libri della famiglia, Book I, pp. 74–76; Pier Paolo Vergerio , De ingenuis moribus et liberalibus studiis, 67–72.
- 91.
The brevity and lack of detail of Belluzzi’s account of the upbringing of the citizens is surprising, given the consistent prominence of this topic in Renaissance utopia. The limited attention to how education contributes in making the citizens of San Marino virtuous is revealing in the context of the many references, throughout the course of the dialogue, to the pivotal role the natural environment plays in shaping their character. In The Happy City, Zuccolo leans towards a fairly radical form of “naturalism.”
- 92.
In Aromatario, Zuccolo formulates an extensive critique of More’s idea that all citizens should be involved in agriculture . His main argument is that the more gifted citizens should not waste their time and energy in cultivating the fields, but should actually devote themselves exclusively to higher activities, such as scholarly pursuits or politics. Interestingly, in Belluzzi Zuccolo observes that all citizens are required to work in the fields in San Marino due to the harsh terrain of the city, but he argues that this activity is worth pursuing since it prevents human beings from becoming soft and indulgent in material comforts. Although we may think that Zuccolo’s remarks on the virtues of life in the fields in Belluzzi are, at least in part, motivated by his intention to celebrate San Marino , it is, nonetheless, quite surprising to see how different his stance is from the analysis he offers in Aromatario. On the whole, it appears that Zuccolo is ambivalent about the value of devoting part of one’s time to agriculture .
- 93.
Petrarca , Il Canzoniere (Rerum Vulgarium Fragmenta), VII, 1. Zuccolo’s negative attitude towards luxury is revealing. In congruence with the ideas of the Counter-reformation, he regards wealth and material comfort as what facilitates the adoption of a decadent lifestyle. His view is radically different from that of Patrizi in The Happy City (ch. IV, XI) where some degree of luxury is considered necessary for men to be happy. However, Zuccolo’s celebration of the poverty of San Marino also departs from the conventions of most Renaissance utopias. Typically, these ideal societies are extremely rich (e.g., Campanella’s COS; More’s Utopia , 128.12–17; 132.31–134.7), although their citizens do not indulge in luxury and adopt an almost monastic lifestyle.
- 94.
Zuccolo remarks several times throughout the dialogue that San Marino’s relative obscurity is one of the ingredients of its enduring freedom .
- 95.
Seneca, Thyestes, 400–404.
- 96.
This maxim by Epicurus is quoted by Aelianus in Various History (Varia Historia), IV.13. It can also be found in Usener, Epicurea, 473.
- 97.
The episode is reported by Herodotus (Histories, I.30). Zuccolo mentions Tellus also in the Considerationi, 261–263.
- 98.
Zuccolo introduces a relatively lengthy comparison between San Marino and Sparta , the goal of which is to pinpoint the similarities between their economic, political, social, and pedagogical systems. More precisely, he notes that in both cases, the city’s greatness was attributed to its poverty and the harsh education imparted on their youths. Zuccolo’s account of Sparta focuses predominantly on the role king Lycurgus played in catapulting his city to great heights. Zuccolo’s analysis owes much to Plutarch’s Life of Lycurgus, which elaborately describes the transformation of Sparta under the great king. The choice of Sparta is not fortuitous; the Greek city had already been celebrated for its virtues by Ancient philosophers (e.g., Aristotle, Plato , Plutarch , Xenophon). In the Renaissance, the Greek city was often portrayed as the very symbol of civic excellence. Zuccolo’s originality lies, thus, not in his praise of Sparta, but in his criticism. Although he acknowledges the remarkable accomplishments of the Greek city, he asserts that San Marino is quite superior to it despite sharing some traits. More precisely, Zuccolo argues that San Marino possesses most of the features that made Sparta great, but has attained and maintains them in more natural and effective ways. He argues that poverty and a strict education are the natural results of San Marino’s environment, but in Sparta, they were introduced by force and, hence, could not be maintained for a long time. Zuccolo’s explanation of what makes the Italian city greater is fairly revealing since it exposes the weakness of any attempt to shape a city by relying exclusively on coercion. This criticism assumes great significance when we bear in mind that Renaissance political thinkers often referred to the greatness of Lycurgus’ legislation in order to reinforce the point that the laws have the power to maintain the happiness and stability of a city. For example, in the Discourses I.2, Machiavelli argues that the long-standing greatness of Sparta was due to Lycurgus’ laws. Perhaps, we can also interpret Zuccolo’s argument as an oblique critique to the conviction of many Renaissance utopists that human intervention is sufficient to make a place ideal on its own. In this respect, it is important to observe that Plutarch’s Life of Lycurgus offered a portrayal of Sparta that was highly idealized, although it was based on historical sources, and reads almost like a utopia. Scholars have not sufficiently stressed upon the influence of Plutarch’s account of Sparta on the utopian tradition, but Renaissance utopists were well aware of their indebtedness to the philosopher. For a study of the Renaissance revival of Sparta, please see Rawson , The Spartan Tradition, 130–157; 170–185.
- 99.
Zuccolo examines Sparta’s social and political system in other works as well. See Considerazioni, 88, 143, 365, 371.
- 100.
Zuccolo also uses the same metaphor in Considerazioni, 58.283.
- 101.
Zuccolo finds the poverty of San Marino attractive purely because of its practical benefits, that is, the stability and safety of the city. His views do not seem influenced by Christian values or the idealized account of early Christian communities living in poverty .
- 102.
Zuccolo’s likely source is Plutarch’s Life of Lycurgus (16, 1–28, 6) which contains one of the most elaborate ancient descriptions of the so-called agogé, the harsh and rigorous Spartan educational system.
- 103.
In these lines, Zuccolo’s description of San Marino seems to have been influenced by Plato’s account of the imaginary island of Magnesia where its inhabitants cannot engage in commerce owing to its geographical characteristics (Plato, Laws, IV, 705b–c).
- 104.
The “exposure of children” was the practice of abandoning newborns in the street to die. In Ancient Rome , this practice was legal and so common that people were not said to be born, but to “be lifted”. When a child was born, the midwife placed him/her on the ground, and it was only when the head of the family accepted and ritualistically lifted him/her from the ground that the child’s survival was guaranteed. For more on this topic, see Veyne , The Roman Empire, 9–32.
- 105.
Population control is an issue that is also discussed in other Renaissance utopias; for example, Antonio de Guevara’s RP (ch. 34) and in its Italian adaptation by Mambrino Roseo (EG, 54–55).
- 106.
In Belluzzi, Zuccolo argues several times that it is the poverty of the territory that makes the citizens of San Marino virtuous and united in several ways: it forces them to work hard, rely on one another, and avoid idleness . In the Discourses, when Machiavelli examines the issue of the best site for a new city, he considers the hypothesis of whether it would be advisable to establish such a city in a territory that is not very fertile, since the harsh conditions would require the citizens to be united and industrious in equal measure. Although he concedes that this idea does have some merit, he, eventually, discards it and argues that new cities should be located in a very fertile land. (Machiavelli , Discourses, I. 1.7).
- 107.
Up to this point, both Moricucci and Belluzzi have argued that prudence is the virtue which has allowed the citizens of San Marino to maintain their freedom from external enemies and internal civil unrest. This is the first time in the dialogue that we learn that the citizens’ prudence is also responsible for introducing rules of conduct that cause San Marino’s happiness . In other words, prudence—in conjunction with natural factors (e.g., site, climate, etc.)—is not the only factor that maintains San Marino’s happiness , but also what established it in the first instance. This additional aspect of prudence is of crucial importance since it shows that this virtue does not merely entail managing a state effectively, but also plays a pivotal role in creating its political and social foundations. In a nutshell, prudence is the ability not merely to run a state, but also to build one.
- 108.
In Ancient Roman religion, the genius refers to a spiritual entity that protects a person, a place, and, in some circumstances, even an institution (e.g., marriage ). The genius has individual features and a unique connection with the specific place or person he guards. In this case, Zuccolo refers to a particular type of genius: the genius of the place (genius loci). This type of genius denotes the guardian spirit of a place and is supposed to grant prosperity to the people living in that area. Romans regularly erected altars dedicated to the genius of a place and performed sacrifices in his honor.
- 109.
The idea that an auspicious position of the stars at the time of a city’s foundation would guarantee its prosperity was taken very seriously in the Italian Renaissance. The belief that there is a connection between a city’s future success and the placement of the stars in the sky at the moment of its birth had been popular since the Greco-Roman world. When Italian Renaissance architects discussed the foundation of a new city, they stressed upon the need to consider the configuration of stars in deciding on which day the first stone should be laid. See Alberti , De Re Aedificatoria (I.6; II.13); Filarete, Libro architettonico (books IV, XV); Francesco di Giorgio Martini, Trattati di architettura, (vol. II, 294). It is not clear to which extent Zuccolo subscribes to these astrological beliefs. His observations in the next lines seem to suggest that he thinks that it is the citizens’ virtues rather than celestial influences that determine a city’s freedom and prosperity.
- 110.
Here, Zuccolo is referring to Aesop’s fable Hercules and the Waggoner.
- 111.
In Italian, the term panegirico (panegyric) can be used with a negative connotation to indicate a speech which praises someone or something in excessive and bombastic ways. In this case, Belluzzi seems to use panegirico in this derogatory sense.
- 112.
They are a mythological tribe of human beings whose distinctive feature is their unusually small bodies. Homer mentioned them in The Iliad (III.5–9); later on in classical times, some authors (e.g., Aristotle, History of Animals, VIII.12–14 Pliny, Natural History, VVI.22, II.23–30; Flavius Philostratus, The Life of Apollonius of Tyana, III.48; Strabo, Geography, I.2.28–29, 35) offered a few suggestions on the Pygmies’ geographical locations, but the reliability of these accounts was not well-established.
- 113.
The motif of the Golden Age mentioned in the very beginning of the dialogue returns in these final lines.
- 114.
The issue relating to the obscurity of San Marino comes up three times in these lines and even causes Captain Belluzzi to feel guilty for having disclosed the social and political structure of his city.
- 115.
Ceres was the Roman goddess of agriculture and fertility; she was the counterpart of the Greek goddess Demeter. The mysteries associated with the goddess Demeter were the oldest and most famous in the Greco-Roman world; they were referred to as “Eleusinian mysteries” from the city where they took place: Eleusis. Ancient mysteries were different, though not incompatible, with the official religion; their distinctive feature was the cultivation of a more individualistic attitude towards human existence and the afterlife. Our knowledge of these cults is, however, limited and has been hindered by the surviving evidence which is scant mostly because attendance to the mysteries was limited exclusively to initiates, the mystai, who were sworn to secrecy. See Bowden , Mystery Cults.
- 116.
Bacchus is the Roman counterpart of the Greek god Dionysus. Although Zuccolo speaks of “Bacchus’ ceremonies,” these celebrations were, in fact, mysteries. However, they differed from the Eleusinian mysteries in that attendance to the latter was a single event, while the participants in Bacchus’ ceremonies met repeatedly. It seems that Zuccolo implies here that Bacchus’ rituals were better known than that of the Eleusianian due to their frequency.
- 117.
Here, animo is translated as “mind” since it is fairly apparent that Zuccolo is referring to the intellects of the characters of his dialogue.
- 118.
The dialogue commences with Zuccolo observing that Mister Moricucci took great care to feed not only his body, but also his intellect. Interestingly, the dialogue ends on a very similar note with Zuccolo comparing the experience of eating a sumptuous meal with engaging in a sophisticated intellectual conversation.
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Donato, A. (2019). Translation of Belluzzi or The Happy City by Lodovico Zuccolo. In: Italian Renaissance Utopias. Palgrave Studies in Utopianism. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03611-9_11
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