Abstract
The labor movement in Western capitalism has consolidated a work ethic that is quite different from the bourgeois one identified by Max Weber. Its distributive justice was based on necessities (“to each one according to his necessities”, to put it in a Marxian way) and not on birth or merits or talents. The image of the good society was not a hierarchical but an egalitarian one. The base of social cohesion was not market by competition but by social solidarity. Social order did not arise from the “invisible hand” of markets but from state intervention. The welfare state was one of the forms of incarnation of this work ethic; communism another one.
In Brazil, the work ethic consolidated from the 1930s onward was based neither on equality nor on solidarity. Its main form was the desire and the fight for state intervention to assure the protection of workers from the harsh operation in the country’s wild labor market. Because this ethic was deeply ingrained in the workers’ minds and hearts, I argue that this is one of the reasons why the left has had, historically, an enormous difficulty in organizing a strong labor movement, in spite of the major role labor movements have played in some crucial junctures. Other crucial reasons revolve around state violence against unions and left-wing parties, the union structure, and the structure of the labor market. Most of these reasons are still present in the 21st century, albeit in different forms and levels of importance.
This chapter brings evidence on each of these topics, which is elucidated in dialogue with the historiography of labor, especially its focus on the Thompsonian idea of “experience”, and with recent literature on the dilemmas of unionism and left-wing parties. It also presents new data on the union structure, union density, and collective action, and on changes in the structure of the labor market.
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- 1.
Unfortunately, the IBGE, the Brazilian national bureau of census, changed the National Household Sample Survey (PNAD) methodology in 2016. Union membership is still collected, but the information is not comparable, for the sampling is completely different, affecting time-series comparison on issues such as employment and unemployment rates, economic active population, union membership, and so on.
- 2.
- 3.
According to the labor law, a “collective agreement” is a contract celebrated between a workers’ union and a firm or a group of firms of the union’s jurisdiction, while a “collective convention” is an agreement between a workers’ union or federation of unions and an employers’ union or federation, binding the entire jurisdiction of the bargaining parties.
- 4.
Until November 2017, jurisprudence of the labor courts was ratifying the ultra-activity of collective agreements and conventions (i.e., a convention or agreement was valid until a new one was bargained), since the labor law was ambiguous on the matter. The 2017 reform mandates that an agreement or convention loses validity if not renegotiated at the end of its agreed duration.
- 5.
The idea that capitalism incorporates the critique to keep on exploiting workers is in Boltanski and Chiapello’s work (2005).
- 6.
- 7.
- 8.
That is the case, for instance, of the reform of the union structure, object of harsh negotiations in the National Forum of Work (Fórum Nacional do Trabalho—FNT), aborted in 2005 due to the mensalão scandal. Almeida (2007) is among the few works focusing on the failed FNT experience.
- 9.
One can mention the end of the ultra-activity of contracts; the possibility of individual bargaining of important parts of the labor contract, including working hours and wages, without the mediation of a union; possibility of plant-level workers’ organizations independent of the union; restrictions to sue a faulty employer in the Labor Justice; and so on. See Teixeira et al. (2017, p. 92 ff.).
- 10.
In the case of Conlutas, I considered only the unions in the denominator, excluding social movements also represented by the central federation.
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Cardoso, A. (2019). Labor Movement in Brazil: Challenges and Opportunities for a Left-Wing Labor Politics. In: Puzone, V., Miguel, L. (eds) The Brazilian Left in the 21st Century. Marx, Engels, and Marxisms. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03288-3_6
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