Abstract
Ranging from food security to nuclear safety to biodiversity conservation, governments have created vast bureaucracies to alleviate risk in the modern age. These organizations are in the perilous business of managing uncertainty and they typically define risk in narrow, ostensibly objective terms — for instance the number of expected deaths per 1000 people or cases of cancer in a delimited geographic area. Due to the seeming pervasiveness of public concern, contemporary societies spend tremendous sums of money and mobilize vast armies of professional personnel to reduce hazard exposure. Especially prominent in this battle are experts in arcane fields such as toxicology, environmental chemistry, epidemiology, and nuclear physics. In particularly thorny cases, social scientists — most commonly economists — are enlisted to handle the human dimensions of risk. Unsurprisingly, most large industrial corporations have on staff specialists with similar qualifications, for example to keep firms in compliance with their pollution permits. Despite its tremendous diversity and scope, nearly all of the work within this domain can be defined as constituting the determination of ‘acceptable risk.’
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Notes
A. Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity ( Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990 ).
More recent calls to shift the burden of proof onto the perpetuators of environmental harm has been termed the ‘precautionary principle.’ See T. O’Riordan and J. Cameron, Interpreting the Precautionary Principle (London: Earthscan, 1994).
This transition of environmental organizations was particularly profound in the United States. See M. Dowie, Losing Ground: American Environmentalism at the Close of the Twentieth Century ( Cambridge: MIT Press, 1996 ).
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See, in particular, W. Catton and R. Dunlap, ‘Environmental Sociology: A New Paradigm,’ American Sociologist, 13 (1) (1978): 41–9;
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R. Gramling and W. Freudenburg, ‘The Emergence of Environmental Sociology: Contributions of Riley E. Dunlap and William R. Catton, Jr.,’ Sociological Inquiry, 59(4) (1989): 439–52. The term ‘environmental sociology’ appears to have first been used by Samuel Klausner in his landmark book, On Man in His Environment ( San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1971 ).
More recent contributions have stressed that the early indifference of the nineteenth-century theorists toward the natural environment was not as striking as conventionally considered. See, for example, F. Buttel, ‘Sociology and the Environment: The Winding Road Toward Human Ecology,’ International Social Science Journal, 38(3) (1986): 337–56 and T. Benton, ed., The Greening of Marxism ( New York: Guilford Press, 1996 ).
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The institutional and organizational history of environmental sociology in the United States has been recounted elsewhere. For recent reviews refer to R. Dunlap and W. Catton, ‘Toward an Ecological Sociology: The Development, Current Status, and Probable Future of Environmental Sociology,’ pp. 11–31 in W. D’Antonio, M. Sasaki, and Y. Yanegayashi, eds, Ecology, Society, and the Quality of Social Life ( New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1994 )
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Sociological human ecology also played a central role in the formulation of environmental sociology, especially for Dunlap and Catton. Allan Schnaiberg’s work provides an important alternative view drawing primarily on neo-Marxist and neo-Weberian perspectives. See A. Schnaiberg, The Environment: From Surplus to Scarcity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980 ).
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See, for example, K. Eder, The New Politics of Class: Social Movements and Cultural Dynamics in Advanced Societies ( London: Sage, 1993 ).
U. Beck, Risk Society: Toward a New Modernity ( London: Sage, 1992 ).
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R Dickens, Reconstructing Nature: Alienation, Emancipation, and the Division of Labour ( London: Routledge, 1996 );
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Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity. See also his Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age ( Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991 )
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For a detailed survey of several of the authors most central to this area refer to D. Goldblatt, Social Theory and the Environment ( Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996 ).
Refer also to J. Hannigan, Environmental Sociology: A Social Constructivist Perspective (London: Routledge, 1995 ).
R. Dunlap and W. Catton, ‘Struggling with Human Exemptionalism: The Rise, Decline, and Revitalization of Environmental Sociology,’ The American Sociologist, 25 (1) (1994): 5–30.
Recent efforts to bridge the divide include L. Laudan, Beyond Positivism and Relativism: Theory, Method, and Evidence ( Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996 )
G. Delanty, Social Science: Beyond Constructivism and Realism (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1997). For contributions by environmental sociologists that attempt to promote a new consensus see R. Murphy, Rationality and Nature: A Sociological Inquiry into a Changing Relationship (Boulder, CO: WestviePress, 1994);
C. New, ‘Sociology and the Case for Realism,’ Sociological Review, 43 (4) (1995): 808–27;
E. Rosa, ‘Meta Theoretical Foundations for Post-Normal Risk,’ Journal of Risk Research, 1 (1) (1998): 15–44;
G. Woodgate and M. Redclift. ‘From a Sociology of Nature to Environmental Sociology: Beyond Social Construction,’ Environmental Values, 7(1) (1998): 3–24.
On the historical factors that have shaped American sociology see T. Haskell, The Emergence of Professional Social Science: The American Social Science Association and the Nineteenth-Century Crisis of Authority ( Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1977 ).
D. Gasman, The Scientific Origins of National Socialism: Social Darwinism in Ernst Haeckel and the German Monist League ( London: MacDonald, 1971 ).
On ecological modernization refer to A. Moll, The Refinement of Production: Ecological Modernization Theory and the Chemical Industry ( The Hague: CIP-Data Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 1995 ).
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Cohen, M.J. (2000). Environmental Sociology, Social Theory, and Risk: an Introductory Discussion. In: Cohen, M.J. (eds) Risk in the Modern Age. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-62201-6_1
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