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Mesomobilization and the June Uprising: Strategic and Cultural Integration in Pro-democracy Movements in South Korea

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East Asian Social Movements

Part of the book series: Nonprofit and Civil Society Studies ((NCSS))

Abstract

The June Uprising in South Korea in 1987 serves as an example of successful coalition building efforts among social movement organizations. The concept of mesomobilization is drawn on in order to investigate the collaboration of movement organizations. The mesomobilization core actor, or the group in charge of coordination of individual social movement organizations, provides the structural basis for mobilization by connecting groups with each other. This group collects the resources required for action, and works to achieve cultural integration of the various movement groups by developing a common frame of meaning. The case of the June Uprising in South Korea demonstrates that the establishment of coordinating centers with common symbols aided in the achievement of structural and cultural integration among individual movement organizations. This movement integration served to increase the mobilization potential in the country and contributed to the massive uprising.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Some part of this chapter has been published in Korean Politics, Seoul, Hollym, 2002. I am grateful of the Hollym Publisher for permission of the reproduction. I thank Jeffrey Broadbent, Vicky Brockman, Kyong-sop Chang, Su-bok Chung, Alberto Melucci, Gi-Wook Shin, Kwang Young Shin, Ho-gun Song, Jae-yeol Yee for their comment, and Pyong-mun Kim, Chong-nam Mun, and So-yong Yi for their assistance. I am indebted to Mi-kyong Yi for the graphics.

  2. 2.

    New York Times, 11–13, 15–17, 19–22, 24–27, 29 June 1987.

  3. 3.

    Chong-chul Park was a student of Seoul National University tortured to death in the investigation of whereabouts of a wanted activist friend of Park's. The autopsy result reports that Park was choked while his head forced to plunge into a bath water. The regime attempted to cover up this incident but a doctor who was in charge of the autopsy disclosed the cause of death. Also, The Catholic Priests Council for the Realization of Justice and Peace closely followed the case of torture and gave public account of it(CISJD 1988). New York Times, February 8, 1987.

  4. 4.

    The two students conceptualize the cultural integration by mesomobilization actor diagnostic framing, prognostic framing, and motivational framing.

  5. 5.

    The participants were Keun-tae Kim and Minhwa Choi from the Youth Alliance for Democracy Movements, Chong-ryol Pae, Insong Hwang, Hyong-gyu Park, and Tong-whan Kim from Protestant, Se-Woong Ham and Seung-hoon Kim from Catholic, and Ki-pyo Chang, Ik-hwan Moon, Chong-chul Kim, Tae-soon Park, and Pu-yong Lee from various Civil Movement groups.

  6. 6.

    National Congress for the Restoration of Democracy, National Alliance for Democracy, and National Alliance for Democracy and Unification had been established in 1974, 1978, and 1979, respectively.

  7. 7.

    Youth Alliance for Democracy Movements, “Kugminege Ponaeneun Message,” October 20, 1984 and “Minjuhwaeui Kil,” March 25, 1984.

  8. 8.

    Youth Alliance for Democracy Movements, “Minjuhwaeui Kil,” March 25, 1984. The Yushin regime emerged in 1972 as the new constitution was approved by a referendum. The regime is often characterized as a typical case of Bureaucratic Authoritarianism which invites authoritarian measures for a state-led economic development (Cumings 1989; Han 1988).

  9. 9.

    A single, married without child, and married with children were paid 150,000, 200,000, and 250,000 won respectively (Interview No.12).

  10. 10.

    Blacklists included dismissed labor activists in order to prevent them from gaining employment.

  11. 11.

    op, cit, “Minjuwhaeui Kil,” March 25, 1984.

  12. 12.

    The activities of the Youth Alliance suggested a possibility of insurgent activities even under the repression by the state. Encouraged by the insurgent activities of the Alliance, several movement organizations were established such as the Federation of Minjung Culture, Council of Korean Workers Welfare, Council of Minjung Buddhism, Council of Democracy in Chungnam, Council of Democratic Youth Movements in Chunnam, and the Federation of Social Movements at Inchon (U.Park 1987; Interview No.14).

  13. 13.

    In an attempt to overcome a movement dependent on personalities, membership to the Council was restricted to a movement organization not an individual.

  14. 14.

    The National Council attempted to collect and report the unbiased national opinion with members who represented each class and sector of society, believing that the issues of student, youth, labor, or Christian movement sectors were subjected to particular opinions. In fact, the Council attempted to be a kind of civilian Parliament with a nationwide representation. See National Council for Democracy and Unification, “Minju Tongil” [Democracy and Unification], No.1.

  15. 15.

    Geographically, the organizations ranged from the Provinces of Chonbuk, Chonnam, Chungbuk, Chungnam, Kangwon, Kyungbuk, Kyungnam to the cities of Seoul, Pusan, Taegu, and Inchon.

  16. 16.

    The objectives of the United Movement were democracy, improvement of life for the people (Minjung), development of Popular Movements, and autonomous unification (Choi 1987; Oh 1988). See also United Popular (Minjung) Movements for Democracy and Unification, “Minju Tongil Minjung Undong Yonhap Kyuyak.” enacted in March 29, 1985, revised in June 7, 1988; United Popular (Minjung) Movements for Democracy and Unification, “Minju Tongil Minjung Undong Sonon.” May 10, 1985.

  17. 17.

    Hoking the horn as a protest by the drivers has been practiced in the demonstration of March 3, which was more widely practiced in the June Uprising.

  18. 18.

    It needs to be noted that the constituents of NCDC were registered as an individual without representing the groups they belong to.

  19. 19.

    National Coalition for Democratic Constitution, “6.10 Kugmindaehoi Haengdongyogang,” June 1987.

  20. 20.

    For instance, about twenty thousand people protested in Pusan on March 23 to demand direct Presidential election. One prominent opposition leader, Kim Young Sam said, said “People power and the people's will for democracy finally deposed the dictator [in Philippines]. I hope President Chun will not be a loser, but a winner in the rising tide of the people's demand for democracy. I hope he will not be a second Marcos.” New York Times, March 24, 1986. See also March 12 and April 6 of the same year.

  21. 21.

    The Secretary's Office of Kim Dae Jung. Uri Soshik 6. October 20, 1985 in CISJD (1986).

  22. 22.

    New York Times, March 12 and 24.

  23. 23.

    The cases of torture promoted the cultural integration among movement sectors.

  24. 24.

    National Council for Democratic Constitution, “Kyoleuimun,” May 28, 1987.

  25. 25.

    The United Countermeasure Committee against Torture and Procommunist Charge, “Komunmit Yonggongjojak Choji Kongdong Taechaek Wiwonhoi Palgimun,” November 4, 1985; The National Priests Corps for the Realization of  Justice, “Komunsalineui Chongshikeul Wihan Urieu Sonon,” January 24, 1987.

  26. 26.

    The United Popular (Minjung) Movements for Democracy and Unification, “Minju, Tongil Minjung Undong Sonon,” May 10, 1985; The Christian Council of the Mission for the Urban Poor, “Pyonghwaeui Ilkuneuro Urideuleun Ilosopnida,” April 30, 1987; The Alliance of Labor Movements in Seoul, “Seoul Nodongundong Yonhap Changrip Sonon,” August 25, 1985; The Catholic Farmers' Organization, The Alliance of Christian Farmers Organization, and Catholic Female Farmers' Organization, “Hyonshiguke Taehan Chonman Nongmineui Chujang,” May 13, 1986.

  27. 27.

    The Council of the Dismissed Reporters in 1980, “ '80nyon Haejikonroninhyobeuihoi' Kyolsonge Jeueumhan Urieui Ipchang,” March 24, 1986; The Headquarters for Christian Nationwide Movements for the Refusal of the Viewing KBS-TV, “KBS-TV Shichongryo Kobu Kidokkyo Pomkukminundong Ponbureul Palchokhamyonso,” February 11, 1986; The Council of the Democratic Press, “Onronjayueui Hwakponeun Hyon Shitjomeso Kajang Chungyohan Kwajeda,” July 4, 1987.

  28. 28.

    “Saron.” Minju Tongil 4, 1986; The National Patriotic Student Alliance for the Anti-Foreign Power and Anti-Dictatorship, “Chogugeui Chajujok Pyonghwatongil Chokjineul Wihan Tujaeng Sononmun,” October 28, 1986.

  29. 29.

    The Human Rights Committee of the NCCK, “Hananimeui Popkwa Inganeui Pop,” June 5, 1985; The National Council of Human Rights in 1986, “Inkwon Sonon,” June 4, 1986.

  30. 30.

    New York Times, June 11, 1987.

  31. 31.

    New York Time, June 12, 1987.

  32. 32.

    New York Times, June 21, 1987.

  33. 33.

    New York Times, June 27, 1987.

  34. 34.

    New York Time June 29, 1987.

  35. 35.

    New York Times, June 19, 20, and 22, 1987.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Sociology, Chonbuk National University, Jeonju, South Korea

    Chulhee Chung

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Editors and Affiliations

  1. Dept. Sociology, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, 55455, Minnesota, USA

    Jeffrey Broadbent

  2. Sociology Program, Southwest Minnesota State University, State St. 1501, Marshall, 56258, Minnesota, USA

    Vicky Brockman

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Chung, C. (2011). Mesomobilization and the June Uprising: Strategic and Cultural Integration in Pro-democracy Movements in South Korea. In: Broadbent, J., Brockman, V. (eds) East Asian Social Movements. Nonprofit and Civil Society Studies. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-09626-1_8

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