Advertisement

Journal of Transatlantic Studies

, Volume 2, Issue 1, pp 75–95 | Cite as

The Intellectual Context of British Diplomatic Recognition of the South American Republics, C. 1800–1830

  • Gabriel Paquette
Article

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 1.
    I gratefully acknowledge the comments and advice, at various stages of the research upon which this article is based, of Gearóid ÓTuathaigh, Sean Ryder and Simon Potter of the National University of Ireland (Galway), and Emma Rothschild of the Centre for History and Economics (Cambridge). This article has incorporated, and benefited from, the comments of two external readers. Generous material support has been provided by the U.S.-Ireland Alliance (Washington D.C.), the Sir John Plumb Charitable Trust (Cambridge), and Trinity College (Cambridge).Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    William Spence Robertson, France and Latin American Independence (Baltimore, 1939), 40, 69.Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    William W. Kaufmann, British Policy and the Independence of Latin America 1804–1828 (New Haven, 1951), 6, 163; one of the most controversial aspects of this neutrality was the 1819 Foreign Enlistment Act that barred British citizens from being mercenaries in armies of foreign states or insurgents.Google Scholar
  4. 3a.
    See D.A.G. Waddell, ‘British Neutrality and Spanish American Independence: The Problem of Foreign Enlistment’ Journal of Latin American Studies 19 (1987): 1–18 passimGoogle Scholar
  5. 3b.
    Harold Temperley, The Foreign Policy of Canning 1822-1827: England, the NeoHoly Alliance and the New World (London, 1966), 45, 132, 184. Britain was the third power to recognize the South American states: Portugal recognized the United Provinces in 1822, followed by the United States in the same year; for an overview of Canning’s policy, see Leslie Bethell, ‘George Canning and the Independence of Latin America’ (London, 1970).Google Scholar
  6. 4.
    John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson, ‘The Imperialism of Free Trade’ in John Gallagher, The Decline, Revival and Fall of the British Empire. The Ford Lectures and Other Essays ed. Anil Seal (Cambridge, 1982), 9–10; Robinson and Gallagher argued that ‘it is only when and where informal means failed to provide the framework of security for British enterprise that the questions of establishing formal empire arose’ 13; for an early an influential critique of the ‘excessive universality and depersonalization’ of their thesis, see Oliver MacDonagh, ‘The Anti-Imperialism of Free Trade’ Economic History Review (1962): 489–501.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  7. 5.
    P.J. Cain and A.G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion 1688–1914, 2 Vols. (London and New York, 1993), 1, 44, 282Google Scholar
  8. 5a.
    Frank Griffith Dawson, The First Latin American Debt Crisis: The City of London and the 1822–25 Loan Bubble (New Haven, 1990), 92–119 passim.Google Scholar
  9. 6.
    This article’s methodology draws on the work of D.A. Brading, The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State 1492-1867 (Cambridge, 1991)Google Scholar
  10. 6a.
    Antonello Gerbi, The Dispute of the New World: The History of a Polemic 1750- 1900. trans. Jeremy Moyle (Pittsburgh, 1973)Google Scholar
  11. 6b.
    Anthony Pagden, Lords of All the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain, and France 1500-1800 (New Haven, 1995)Google Scholar
  12. 6c.
    Mario Rodriguez, ’William Burke’ and Francisco de Miranda: The Word and Deed in Spanish American Emancipation (London and New York, 1994)Google Scholar
  13. 6d.
    John Lynch, ed., Andrés Bello: The London Years (Richmond, 1982).Google Scholar
  14. 7.
    Robinson and Gallagher, Africa and the Victorians: the Official Mind of Imperialism (London, 1961), 25, 26Google Scholar
  15. 7a.
    Paul Kennedy, ‘El Imperio ‘Cautivo” El Pais, 19 July 2003.Google Scholar
  16. 8.
    Roger Coke, A Discourse of Trade (London, 1670), part I, 46.Google Scholar
  17. 9.
    Sir William Petty, Political Arithmetick, or a Discourse (London, 1691), 88.Google Scholar
  18. 10.
    [Josiah Child], A Discourse About Trade (London, 1668, 1690), 94–95.Google Scholar
  19. 11.
    Charles Davenant, Discourses on the Publick Revenues and on the Trade of England (London, 1698), part II, 207, 252; on Davenant, see Istvan Hont, ‘Free Trade and the Economic Limits to National Politics: Neo-Machiavellian Political Economy Reconsidered’ in John Dunn, ed. The Economic Limits to Modern Politics (Cambridge, 1990), 70, 72.Google Scholar
  20. 12.
    William Wood, A Survey of Trade in Four Parts (London, 1718), 135, 154.Google Scholar
  21. 13.
    Child, A Discourse about Trade, 165.Google Scholar
  22. 14.
    Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, 2 Vols. (Oxford, 1976), II, 592, 591, 594, 604.Google Scholar
  23. 14a.
    See also, Klaus E. Knorr, British Colonial Theories 1570–1850 (London, 1968), 183Google Scholar
  24. 14b.
    Donald Winch, Classical Political Economy and Colonies (London, 1965), 13Google Scholar
  25. 14c.
    and Bernard Semmel, The Rise of Free Trade Imperialism: Classical Political Economy, the Empire of Free Trade and Imperialism 1750-1850 (Cambridge, 1970), 151.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  26. 15.
    Smith, The Wealth of Nations, 609-610Google Scholar
  27. 15a.
    R.C. Simmons, “A Sett of Exchanges’: Adam Smith and the Colonisation of the Americas’ Storia Nordamericana 4 (1987): 57–69.Google Scholar
  28. 16.
    David Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge, 2000), 3, 8CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  29. 16a.
    Gabriel Paquette, ‘Hegel’s Analysis of Colonialism and its Roots in Scottish Political Economy’ Clio 32:4 (2003): forthcoming.Google Scholar
  30. 17.
    Schuyler, The Fall of the Old Colonial System, 23.Google Scholar
  31. 18.
    Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, 6 February 1826, col. 113. This language is taken from the Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation with Colombia; on the influence of Smith on British policy before the French Revolution, see J.E. Crowley, ‘Neo’ Mercantilism and the Wealth of Nations: British Commercial Policy after the American Revolution’ Historical Journal 33 (1990): 339–360.Google Scholar
  32. 19.
    Hansard, Parliamentary Debates (London, 1807), 707, 719, 982.Google Scholar
  33. 20.
    C.A. Bayly argues that the ‘mentality was still bullionist and mercantilist’ through 1815 in Imperial Meridian: The British Empire and the World 1780-1830 (London and New York, 1989), 4; on the ideas animating British imperialism in this period, see Richard Drayton, Nature’s Government: Science, Imperial Britain and the ‘Improvement’ of the World (New Haven and London, 2000), esp. chapters 3 and 4.Google Scholar
  34. 21.
    George Canning to George Bosanquet, 31 December 1824, F.O. 72/280, reprinted in C.K. Webster ed., Britain and the Independence of Latin America 1812-1830: Selected Documents from the Foreign Office Archives, 2 vols. (London, 1938), II, 431.Google Scholar
  35. 22.
    Jeremy Bentham, ‘Rid Yourselves of Ultramaria’ (1821) in Philip Schofield ed., Colonies, Commerce, and Constitutional Law: Rid Yourselves of Ultramaria and Other Writings on Spain and Spanish America (Oxford, 1995), 64.Google Scholar
  36. 23.
    Bentham, ‘Rid Yourselves of Ultramaria,’ 114, 118–119, 135.Google Scholar
  37. 24.
    Miriam Williford, Jeremy Bentham on Spanish America: An Account of his Letters and Proposals to the New World (London and Baton Rouge, 1980), 12–13. Bentham corresponded with Bolívar and San Martin; on his influence in Spanish America, see Luis Antonio Calderón Rodriguez, ‘Apuntes Sobre la Recepción del Pensamiento Frances Ilustrado en Colombia’ in Diana Soto Arango, ed., Recepción y Difusión de Textos Ilustrados: Intercambio Científico Entre Europa y América en la Ilustración (Leon, 2003), 198–199; F. Rosen suggests that Greek independence soon consumed Bentham’s intellectual energies and he became disillusioned by the ‘settled habits of rule and obedience’ he discerned among Spanish Americans in Bentham, Byron, and Greece: Constitutionalism, Nationalism, and Early Liberal Political Thought (Oxford, 1992), 99–100.Google Scholar
  38. 25.
    Henry Brougham, An Inquiry into the Colonial Policy of the European Powers (Edinburgh, 1803), 105, 128, 381.Google Scholar
  39. 26.
    James Kennedy, England and Venice Compared: An Argument on the Policy of England Towards Her Colonies (London, 1827); Ronald Hyam describes the West Indies in 1800 as no longer of ‘vital national interest,’ due to ‘increasing costs of sugar production, rising slave prices, soil erosion, wartime losses, bad weather and slave rebellion’ in Britain ’s Imperial Century 1815-1914: A Study of Empire and Expansion (London, 1976), 110.Google Scholar
  40. 27.
    Brougham, The Colonial Policy of the Great Powers, 412.Google Scholar
  41. 28.
    The Colonial Register and West Indian Journal (London, May 1824), 1,5, 18; [Anon.], War in Disguise; or, the Frauds of the Neutral Flags (London, 1805), 108, 204.Google Scholar
  42. 29.
    The editorial policy of the Edinburgh Review shifted considerably, especially as it increasingly maligned Benthamite ideas after 1818. cf. J.R. Dinwiddy, ‘Liberal and Benthamite Circles in London 1810–1829,’ in Lynch, Bello, 124–125Google Scholar
  43. 29a.
    Biancamaria Fontana, Rethinking the Politics of Commercial Society: The Edinburgh Review 1802-1832 (Cambridge, 1985); circulation of the Edinburgh Review reached 13,000 in 1814.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  44. 30.
    [James Mill], review of ‘Lettre aux Espagnols Americains,’ also entitled ‘The Emancipation of Spanish America,’ Edinburgh Review (January 1809), 282; Mario Rodriguez (1994) argues that James Mill also authored radical tracts on Spanish American affairs under the pseudonym ‘William Burke.’ If correct, it would provoke a revaluation of both Mill’s intellectual development as well as the impact of the Spanish American Revolution among the British intelligentsia; for a general overview of Spanish and Spanish American affairs in the British Press, see José Alberich, ‘English Attitudes Towards the Hispanic World in the Time of Bello As Reflected By the Edinburgh and Quarterly Reviews,’ in Lynch, ed., Andrés Bello.Google Scholar
  45. 31.
    Mill, ‘The Emancipation of Spanish America,’ 310; Semmel argues that Mill ‘presented colonization as the means of overcoming both the pressure of population on the land and declining returns from agriculture’ in The Liberal Idea and the Demons of Empire: Theories of Imperialism from Adam Smith to Lenin (Baltimore and London, 1993), 77.Google Scholar
  46. 32.
    Review of ‘The Substance of Two Speeches Delivered in the House of Commons on the 21st and 25th March, 1825 by the Right Honourable William Huskisson, Respecting the Colonial Policy and Foreign Commerce of the Country,’ Edinburgh Review (August 1825), 275.Google Scholar
  47. 33.
    ‘Value of Colonial Possessions,’ 302; it should be noted that free trade was not a monolithic concept defended by a single group. Boyd Hilton has shown the ‘expansionist, industrialist, competitive and cosmopolitan’ aspects of free trade in classical politica! economy constituted one of several, notably evangelical, strands of free trade thought in The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1795-1865 (Oxford, 1988), 69.Google Scholar
  48. 34.
    David Robinson, ‘Free Trade,’ Blaclwooď s Magazine 17 (May 1825), reprinted in Peter Cain, ed., Free Trade and Protectionism, Vol. I: Origins of Free Trade to 1850 (London, 1996), 36–37.Google Scholar
  49. 35.
    The Colonial Journal (London, 1817), 438.Google Scholar
  50. 36.
    Dominique Dufour De Pradt, The Colonies and the Present American Revolutions (London, 1817) trans., xvi., 121–122, 163, 159, 451; cf. Brading, The First America, 558–560 passim.Google Scholar
  51. 37.
    Hansard, The Parliamentary Debates, 16 April 1807,476.Google Scholar
  52. 38.
    R.A. Humphreys, Liberation in South America 1806-1827: The Career of James Paroissen (London, 1952), 12. William Walton, An Expose of the Dissentions of Spanish America (London, 1814) explicitly claimed ‘the present expensive war system and the great continental combination formed against our resources’ requires Britain ‘to open up new sources of intercourse and vent for our stagnant trade, to promote the influx of precious metals and the entry of manufacturing raw materials,’ 1.Google Scholar
  53. 39.
    William Burke, Additional Reasons, for our Immediately Emancipating Spanish America (London, 1808)Google Scholar
  54. 40.
    H.S. Ferns, Britain and Argentina in the Nineteenth Century (Oxford, 1960), 65; not every new-declared independent South American state followed this procedure of liberalization. As Celia Wu has demonstrated, Peru imposed high tariffs to protect indigenous industry and prohibited foreign merchants from interference in the domestic trade in Generals and Diplomats: Great Britain and Peru 1820-1840, trans, and ed. D. A. Brading (Cambridge, 1991), 7.Google Scholar
  55. 41.
    Richard Price, ‘Observations on the Nature of Civil Liberty, the Principles of Government, and the Justice and Policy of War with America,’ in Price, Political Writings, ed. D.O. Thomas (Cambridge, 1991), 30, 35, 36, 27, 69; Price’s views attracted ardent criticism: Adam Ferguson vehemently rejected the American declaration of independence from Britain in 1776. Because ‘no nation ever planted colonies with so liberal or noble a hand as England has done,’ Ferguson reasoned, the Americans should ‘repay us for all the blood and treasure we have expended in the common cause.’ He mocked the American hope for an ‘exemption from the common fate of mankind; the fate that has attended democracies attempted on too large a scale; that of plunging at once into military government,’ in Ferguson, Remarks on a Pamphlet Lately Published by Dr. Price (London, 1776), 19, 27, 23.Google Scholar
  56. 42.
    Coke, A Discourse of Trade, 12-12; Anthony Pagden, Lords of All the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain, and France, c. 1500-1800 (New Haven and London, 1995), 87, 116; on the Black Legend in England, see Colin Steele, English Interpreters of the Iberian New World from Purchas to Stevens: A Bibliographical Study 1603-1726 (Oxford, 1975), 21, 108-109; William S. Maltby, The Black Legend in England: The Development of Anti-Spanish Sentiment 1558–1660 (Durham, N.C, 1971), 4, 31, 63.Google Scholar
  57. 43.
    Davenant, Publick Revenues, vol. II, 240Google Scholar
  58. 44.
    Child, A Discourse About Trade, 194, 177–78.Google Scholar
  59. 45.
    Davenant, Publick Revenues, vol I, 66.Google Scholar
  60. 46.
    Joseph Townsend, A Journey through Spain in the Years 1786 and 1787 (London, 1792), vol. II, 226, 394, 252; see Ana Clara Guerrero, Viajeros Britânicos en la Espaňa del Siglo XVlfl (Madrid, 1990).Google Scholar
  61. 47.
    Anon., The Conduct of a Right Honorable Gentleman, 72; Anon., A Letter to the Right Honorable the Earl of B’, on a Late Important Resignation, and its Probable Consequences (London, 1761), 59.Google Scholar
  62. 48.
    William Robertson, History of America (London, 1777), vol. III, book 8, 270–275; Robertson’s History was remarkably well-circulated: for example, records from the Bristol Library between 1773 and 1784 reveal 111 loans of the History, cited in P.J. Marshall and Glyndwr Williams, The Great Map of Mankind: British Perceptions of the World in the Age of Enlightenment (London, 1982), 56Google Scholar
  63. 48a.
    see also, Stewart J. Brown, ed., William Robertson and the Expansion of Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).Google Scholar
  64. 49.
    Robertson, History, vol. III, book 8, 303, 314, 320, 337.Google Scholar
  65. 50.
    Robertson, History, vol. III, book 8, 343, 349, 350; contemporary critics scrutinized Robertson’s praise of Spain: even laudatory reviews negotiated Robertson’s ‘elogiums’ of Bourbon imperial reforms with unconcealed skepticism, insinuating that ‘this affords an obvious reason why this work has been read with approbation in Spain.’ Certain reviewers suspiciously noted Robertson had ‘taken much pains... to vindicate the court of Spain from the imputation of having adopted a most inhuman and barbarous system of policy to massacre and extirpate its new subjects’ Robertson was accused of ‘labouring to palliate enormous crimes.’ See Annual Register (1777), The Critical Review, or Annals of Literature (1777), The Gentleman’s Magazine and Historical Chronicle (1777-1778), Monthly Review, or Literary Journal (1777, 1798), Scots Magazine (1777) for greater detail.Google Scholar
  66. 51.
    Dugald Stewart, Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith LL.D., William Robertson, D.D. and Thomas Reid, D.D. Read Before the Royal Society of Edinburgh (Edinburgh, 1811), 242; although the History of America was officially censored in Spain, many Spanish reformers recognized its apologetic nature: in the dedicatory preface to Count Campomanes in his Discurso Economico-Politico en Defensa del Trabajo (Madrid, 1778), Ramon Miguel Palácio praised the ‘piuma maestra del elegante у juicioso’ Robertson who had recorded Campomanes’s ‘fervoso zelo e üustrado patriotismo,’ ii.Google Scholar
  67. 52.
    William Burke, South American Independence: or, the Emancipation of South America, the Glory and Interest of England (London, 1807), 2, 13, 38.Google Scholar
  68. 53.
    Review of ‘Voyage à la Partie Orientale de la Terre-Firme, dans l’Amerique Meridionale, fait pendant les annees 1801,1802,1803,1804 par F. Depom,’ Edinburgh Review, 8 (July 1806), 397.Google Scholar
  69. 54.
    William Walton, Present State of the Spanish Colonies, 2 vols. (London, 1810), 249.Google Scholar
  70. 55.
    R.A. Humphreys asserts the ‘French Revolution and its Napoleonic aspect was the occasion, if not the cause, of the emancipation of Spanish America,’ in ‘The Fall of the Spanish American Empire,’ in Tradition and Revolt, 77.Google Scholar
  71. 56.
    Lord Byron, Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage, canto 1, stanzas 35, 86; on Byron’s political thought, see Marilyn Butler, Romantics, Rebels and Revolutionaries: English Literature and its Background 1760-1830 (Oxford, 1981), 118; although South American independence was a rallying cry for Romantics, it should be noted that ‘romantically, revolution and restoration can be taken in the same way... the romantic quasi-argument can justify every state of affairs’ in Carl Schmitt, Political Romanticism. Trans. Guy Oakes (London: MIT Press, 1986), 123, 145.Google Scholar
  72. 57.
    Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, 3 February 1824, cols. 28, 73, 74. N.B. Canning contended that ‘an understanding of a free commercial intercourse’ has existed since 1809 between Britain and the ‘provinces of South America.’ C.A. Bayly suggests that recognition was not only the result of the mercantile lobby but reflected a desire ‘to restore social stability under the Creole elites and avoid the kind of slave revolt which broke out in Demerara in 1823 and might infect the whole Caribbean’ in Imperial Meridian, 143; furthermore, Britain could not impose order by sending troops after the traumatic impact of catastrophic casualties during the occupation of Saint Domingue in the 1790s. Cf. David Patrick Geggus, Slavery, War and Revolution: The British Occupation of Saint Domingue 1793-1798 (Oxford, 1982).Google Scholar
  73. 58.
    R.A. Humpreys characterizes him as ‘a hack journalist, well known for his books and articles on South America, who worked for the Morning Chronicle and received’ gratification’ from various American governments’ in Liberation in South America, 120.Google Scholar
  74. 59.
    Walton, Present State of the Spanish Colonies, 250.Google Scholar
  75. 60.
    James Biggs, The History of Don Francisco de Miranda’s Attempt to Effect a Revolution in South America (London, 1809), 260. For more detailed treatment of the theme of Anglo-Irish mercenaries in South American armies, see Alfred Hasbrouck, Foreign Legionaires in the Liberation of Spanish South America (New York, 1928)Google Scholar
  76. 61.
    Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, 15 June 1808, col. 890.Google Scholar
  77. 62.
    Edward Blaquiere, An Historical Review of the Spanish Revolution (London, 1822), 24, 159, 171Google Scholar
  78. 62a.
    Rafael Sanchez Mantero, Fernando VII (Madrid, 2001), 108–115 passim.Google Scholar
  79. 63.
    Blaquiere, Spanish Revolution, 281; Walton, Dissentions of Spanish America, 91, 182.Google Scholar
  80. 64.
    Alexander Caldcleugh, Travels in South America During the Years 1819-20-21 (London, 1822), 223.Google Scholar
  81. 65.
    Review of ‘Don Pedro Cevallos, Exposition of the Practices and Machinations Which Led to the Usurpation of the Crown of Spain, and the Means Adopted by the Emperor of the French to Carry it Into Execution,’ Edinburgh Review, 8 (October 1808), 221.Google Scholar
  82. 66.
    Review of Basil Hall, ‘Extracts From a Journal Written on the Coasts of Chili, Peru, and Mexico in 1820, 1821, and 1822,’ The Colonial Register and West Indian Journal (London, May 1824), 26.Google Scholar
  83. 67.
    Arthur J. May, The Age of Metternich 1814–1848 (New York, 1933), 19Google Scholar
  84. 67a.
    Jacques Droz, Europe Between Revolutions 1815-1848 (London, 1967), 218.Google Scholar
  85. 68.
    Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London and New York, 1991), 81.Google Scholar
  86. 69.
    Biggs, Miranda’s Attempt to Effect a Revolution in South America, 106Google Scholar
  87. 70.
    William St. Clair, That Greece Might Still Be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence (London, 1972), 54.Google Scholar
  88. 71.
    Lord Byron, ‘The Present State of Greece’ in The Complete Miscellaneous Prose (Oxford, 1991), 193.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  89. 72.
    J.R. Oldfield, Popular Politics and British Slavery: The Mobilization of Public Opinion Against the Slave Trade 1787-1807 (Manchester, 1995); it should be noted that opponents of slavery took heart from the abolition of slavery from Spanish Central America in 1821, a situation which left British Honduras (Mosquito Coast) as the solitary slave-holding colony on the mainland.Google Scholar
  90. 73.
    Burke, South American Independence, 66; Byron, Don Juan, canto 2, stanza 75.Google Scholar
  91. 74.
    Simon Bolívar, ‘Reply of a South American to a Gentleman of this Island [Jamaica],’ Se leeted Writings of Bolívar, ed. Lecuna and Bierck, 2 vols. (New York, 1951), I, 108, 110.Google Scholar
  92. 75.
    Bolívar, ‘To the Editor, The Royal Gazette, Kingston, Jamaica’ in Lecuna and Bierck, eds., Selected Writings of Bolívar, 123.Google Scholar
  93. 76.
    Gerald E. Fitzgerald, ed., The Political Thought of Bolívar: Selected Writings (The Hague, 1971), 55. N.B. The Angostura Discourse was Bolívar’s address to the Congress of Venezuela; Bolívar’s political writings of this period depart from the rhetoric of eighteenth-century Creole reformers who sought to ‘improve the social welfare of the colony and thus eliminate potential sources of instability or insurrection,’ in Jeremy Adelman, Republic of Capital: Buenos Aires and the Legal Transformation of the Atlantic World (Stanford, 1999), 71.Google Scholar
  94. 77.
    The influence of Montesquieu’s political thought on Bolívar has been demonstrated by D. A. Brading who also argues ‘the doctrines of Rousseau and Machiavelli, of personal virtù and public liberty, jostled for primacy in [Bolívar’s] soul’ in ‘Classical Republican ism and Creole Patriotism: Simon Bolívar (1783-1830) and the Spanish American Revolution’ (Cambridge, 1983), 16; Simon Collier speculates that Montesquieu’s’ admiration of the British constitution, his exposition of the balance of power, his fervent hatred of despotic government, allied with a conservative streak in his nature, endeared him to the Creole intelligentsia’ in The Ideas and Politics of Chilean Independence 1808- 1833 (Cambridge, 1967), 72.Google Scholar
  95. 78.
    C.P. Jones, ‘The Image of Simón Bolívar as Reflected in Ten Leading British Periodicals 1816–1830,’ The Americas 40 (1984), 384. Indeed, the mutual seduction of Bolívar and Britain is noted by Victor Andres Belaunde who describes Bolívar’s ‘romantic exaggeration’ of Britain and his aspirations, particularly pronounced before the Congress of Panama, for a British ‘moral protectorate’ in South America in Bolívar and the Political Thought of the Spanish American Revolution (New York, 1930), 262.Google Scholar
  96. 79.
    Rory Miller, Britain and Latin America in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (London and New York, 1993), 21–45 passim.Google Scholar
  97. 80.
    John R. Fisher, The Economic Aspects of Spanish Imperialism in America, 1492–1810 (Liverpool, 1997), 197. Anthony Pagden, however, contending that cultural reverberations were more disruptive than salutary, argues free trade signified a ‘radical overhaul’ of the Spanish Empire that threatened ‘the image of a single, culturally varied political order’ which required a ‘closed society’ in ‘Liberty, Honour, and Comercio Libre: The Structure of the Debates Over the State of the Spanish Empire in the Eighteenth Century,’ in Pagden, ed. The Uncertainties of Empire: Essays in Iberian and Ibero-American Intellectual History (London, 1994), 15.Google Scholar
  98. 81.
    David R. Ringrose, Spain, Europe and the Spanish Miracle, 1700-1900 (Cambridge, 1996), 122.Google Scholar
  99. 82.
    R.A. Humphreys, ‘British Merchants and South American Independence,’ in Humphreys, Tradition and Revolt in Latin America and Other Essays (London, 1969), 125. Certainly, the importance of Latin American markets to Britain in this period should not be exaggerated. D.C.M. Piatt argues that ‘it was only in the middle of the nineteenth century that new demand in Europe created substantial outlets for Latin American pastoral and agricultural products, for industrial raw materials,’ in Piatt, Latin America and British Trade 1806-1914 (London, 1972), 3; however, the intention of British ministers to create a ‘commercial emporium of the vast Plata basin’ as early as 1826 has been demonstrated by Peter Winn, ‘British Informal Empire in Uruguay in the Nineteenth Century’ Past & Present 73 (1976): 102–103.Google Scholar
  100. 83.
    Anon., Notes and Reflections on Mexico, Its Mines, Policy & C. by a Traveler Some Years Resident in That and Other American States (London, 1827), 4; for a detailed treatment of British Travelers’ Accounts leading up to 1825, see Desmond Gregory, Brute New World: The Rediscovery of Latin America in the Early Nineteenth Century (London and New York: British Academic Press, 1993); for perceptions of British capital in Argentina in the century following independence, see Charles Jones, ‘British Capital in Argentine History: Structures, Rhetoric and Change’ in Alistair Hennessey and John King, eds., The Land That England ’Argentina and Britain, a Special Relationship (London, 1992).Google Scholar
  101. 84.
    Caldcleugh, Travels in South America, 347.Google Scholar
  102. 85.
    Prospectus of The Anglo-Peruvian Mining Association in Henry English, A General Guide to the Companies Formed for Working Foreign Mines (London, 1825), 9.Google Scholar
  103. 86.
    Prospectus of The Potasí, La Paz, and Peruvian Mining Association in English, General Guide, 48.Google Scholar
  104. 87.
    Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, 15 March 1824, 1005.Google Scholar
  105. 88.
    Byron, Don Juan, canto 12, stanza 4–5.Google Scholar
  106. 89.
    Dawson, The First Latin American Debt Crisis, 15. By 1827, however, the £20m had a market value of £7.25m.Google Scholar
  107. 90.
    Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, 15 March 1824, col. 978.Google Scholar
  108. 91.
    Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, 15 June 1824, col. 1393Google Scholar
  109. 91a.
    A.G. Hopkins, ‘Informal Empire in Argentina: An Alternative View’ Journal of Latin American Studies 26(1994): 478.Google Scholar
  110. 92.
    Editorial, ‘Turmoil in the Andes,’ New York Times, 12 March 2003Google Scholar
  111. 92a.
    Jorge G Castaüeda, ‘The Forgotten Relationship’ Foreign Affairs (May/June, 2003).Google Scholar
  112. 93.
    Jeremy Adelman, ‘Introduction: the Problem of Persistence in Latin American History’ in Adelman, ed. Colonial Legacies: the Problem of Persistence in Latin American History (New York and London, 1999), 12–13Google Scholar
  113. 93.
    George Philip, ‘Adapting to Democracy’ Government & Opposition 37 (2002): 573.Google Scholar
  114. 94.
    Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, 15 March 1824, col. 1009.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Board of the Journal of Transatlantic Studies 2004

Authors and Affiliations

  • Gabriel Paquette
    • 1
  1. 1.Trinity CollegeCambridgeScotland

Personalised recommendations