Skip to main content
Log in

Sino-Russian relations: the false promise of Russian balancing

  • Original Article
  • Published:
International Politics Aims and scope Submit manuscript

Abstract

The expectation that Russian will balance China’s growing presence in Central Asia and Northeast Asia is premised on fundamental misunderstandings of the nature of balance of power politics and of Russian great power capabilities. First, contrary to neorealist scholarship, secondary powers nearly always bandwagon; the traditional classical realist security studies literature’s focus on the centrality of capabilities, rather than on intentions and threat perception, explains non-great power behavior in the context of great power competition. Second, contrary to a widespread assumption, and following the understanding of the attributes of great power in the traditional security literature, Russia is not a great power in East Asia; it lacks the necessary relative great power capabilities in its Far East. China is the sole great power on mainland Northeast Asia. In this respect, the sources of Russian security policy will be similar to other secondary powers, both in East Asia and elsewhere.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this article

Price excludes VAT (USA)
Tax calculation will be finalised during checkout.

Instant access to the full article PDF.

Institutional subscriptions

Similar content being viewed by others

Notes

  1. See, for example, Alexey Khlebnikov, Nikolay Shevchenko, “Russia's Relations with the West, Through a Neorealist Filter” (interview with John Mearsheimer), Russia Direct, November 17, 2016, at http://www.russia-direct.org/qa/russias-relations-west-through-neorealist-filter (accessed July 18, 2017); Doug Bandow, “A Nixon Strategy to Break the Russia-China Axis,” The National Interest, January 4, 2017, at http://nationalinterest.org/blog/the-skeptics/nixon-strategy-break-the-russia-china-axis-18946 (accessed July 18, 2017); Robert Matthew Shines, “Japan Outpaces U.S. in Race to Enlist Russia to Balance China,” Foreign Policy Association, January 5, 2017, at https://foreignpolicyblogs.com/2017/01/05/japan-outpaces-us-race-to-enlist-russia-to-balance-china/ (accessed July 18, 2017).

  2. See John Bolton’s October 31, 2018, interview at the Alexander Hamilton Institute, Washington, D.C., at https://www.c-span.org/video/?453856-1/john-bolton-discusses-national-security-strategy&start=798 (accessed November 26, 2018).

  3. For conditions in which secondary states’ alignment may be influence by revisionist intentions, see Randall L. Schweller, “Bandwagoning for Profit: Bringing the Revisionist State Back In,” International Security, vol. 19, no. 1 (Summer 1994).

  4. See, for example, Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, fifth ed., rev. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 19780, chap. 9, 10; Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Relations (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1979).

  5. Walter Lippman, U.S. Foreign Policy: Shield of the Republic (Boston: Little, Brown, 1943), p. 100.

  6. Martin Wight, Power Politics, Hedley Bull and Carsten Holbrad, eds. (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1978), p. 52.

  7. Harold Sprout and Margaret Sprout, Foundations of International Politics (Princeton: D. Van Nostrand, 1962), pp. 136–137.

  8. Rothstein, Alliances and Small Powers, p. 29. Also see, Edward Hallett Carr, The Twenty Years Crisis, 1919–1939 (New York: Harper & Row, 1964), pp. 103–105.

  9. Jack S. Levy, War in the Modern Great Power System: 1495—1975 Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1983), pp. 10–19. In this context, “relative” means with respect to all other countries.

  10. Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers (New York: Doubleday Publishing Group, 2010), p. 224.

  11. Nicholas John Spykman, America’s Strategy in World Politics: The United States and the Balance of Power (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1942, p. 20. Also see Edward Vose Gulick, Europe’s Classical Balance of Power (New York: Norton, 1967), pp. 70–72, 304–305.

  12. A.J. P. Taylor, The Struggle for the Mastery of Europe, 1848–1918 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), pp. 1–2.

  13. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations, chap. 12, pp. 181–184.

  14. Raymond Aron, Peace and War: A Theory of International Relations (New York: Praeger, 1968), p. 58.

  15. George Liska, Nations in Alliance: The Limits of Interdependence (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1968), p. 27. Author’s emphasis.

  16. Robert L. Rothstein, Alliances and Small Powers, pp. 29, 62–63. Also see Carr, The Twenty Years Crisis, pp. 103–105.

  17. Michael Handel, Weak States in the International System (Totowa, NJ: Frank Cass, 1981), pp. 135–136; David Vital, “The Analysis of Small Power Politics,” in Small States in International Relations (New York: John Wiley, 1971), p. 33.

  18. Annette Baker Fox, The Power of Small States: Diplomacy in World War II (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1959), p. 187.

  19. Waltz, Theory of International Relations, p. 127. Author’s emphasis. For an analysis of bandwagoning and balancing behavior in domestic political systems, see Avery Goldstein, From Bandwagon to Balance-of-Power Politics: Structural Constraints and Politics in China, 1949–1978 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1991).

  20. Also see Randall L. Schweller, Deadly Imbalances: Tripolarity and Hitler’s Strategy for World Conquest (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), pp. 21–22.

  21. Walt, The Origins of Alliances, pp. 29–31.

  22. Walt, The Origins of Alliances. Also see Michael Barnett, “Alliances, Balances of Threat, and Neorealism,” in John A. Vasquez and Colin Elman, eds., Realism and the Balancing of Power (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2003).

  23. John Ikenberry, After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order After Major Wars (Princeton. NY: Princeton University Press, 2001); Pape, “Soft Balancing Against the United States.”

  24. Christopher Layne, “China’s Challenge to US Hegemony,” Current History, vol. 107, no. 705 (January 2008), p. 17.

  25. Barry Posen, Restraint: A New Foundation for U.S. Grand Strategy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2014}, pp. 96–102. Also see Joshua Shifrinson, “The Rise of China, Balance of Power Theory, and U.S. National Security: Reasons for Optimism?” Journal of Strategic Studies (forthcoming; online first view December 2018).

  26. John Mearsheimer, “Can China Rise Peacefully?” National Interest, October 25, 2014, p. 19, 23–27, at http://nationalinterest.org/commentary/can-china-rise-peacefully-10204.

  27. Michael Beckley, “The Emerging Military Balance in East Asia: How China’s Neighbors Can Check Chinese Naval Expansion” International Security, vol. 42, no. 2 (Fall 2017). But as Fox explained, the sole small state attempt at allying to balance a great power regularly failed in Europe, because “the sum of their power was weakness.” Fox, The Power of Small States, p. 185.

  28. For an earlier theoretical and empirical study of this issue, see Robert S. Ross “Balance of Power Politics and the Rise of China: Accommodation and Balancing in East Asia,” Security Studies, vol. 15, no. 3 (July–September 2006).

  29. Ankit Panda, “What China Gains With Its Détente With South Korea Over THAAD,” The Diplomat, November 7, 2017, at https://thediplomat.com/2017/11/what-china-gains-with-its-detente-with-south-korea-over-thaad/ (accessed January 16, 2018); Anna Fifield, “South Korea Suspends Deployment of American Missile Defense System,” Washington Post, June 7, 2017, at washingtonpost.com/amphtml/world/south-korea-suspends-deployment-of-american-missile-defense-system/2017/06/07/6215f314-4b60-11e7-b69d-c158df3149e0-story.html (accessed July 19, 2017). For an analysis of the challenge to South Korean security policy posed by the rise of China, see Scott A. Snyder, South Korea at a Crossroads: Autonomy and Alliance in an Era of Rival Powers (New York: Columbia University Press, 2018), chap. 9.

  30. On recent Philippine alignment policy see Richard Javad Heydarian, “Tragedy of Small Power Politics: Duterte and the Shifting Sands of Philippine Foreign Policy,” Asian Security (forthcoming, 2018); For a characteristic Philippine statement distancing the Philippines from US policy, see Jim Gomez, “Philippines Says it Won't be Embroiled in US-China Sea Spat,” ABC News, January 18, 2018, at http://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/philippines-embroiled-us-china-sea-spat-52499821.

  31. For a comparison of Malaysia and Philippine policies, see Peter Kreuzer, “A Comparison of Malaysian and Philippine Responses to China in the South China Sea,” The Chinese Journal of International Politics, vol. 9, no. 3 (September 2016), pp. 239–276.

  32. On the delicate nature of Vietnam’s effort to constrain Chinese power, see Carlyle A. Thayer, “The Tyranny of Geography: Vietnamese Strategies to Constrain China in the South China Sea,” Contemporary Southeast Asia, vol. 33, no. 3 (December 2011).

  33. Some scholars have characterized this diplomacy as “hedging.” But insofar as these secondary powers had not hedged before, their hedging constitutes improved relations with China in response to the rise of China. This is not balancing but rather part of a process of bandwagoning. See, for example, Evan S. Medeiros Strategic Hedging and the Future of Asia–Pacific Stability, Washington Quarterly, 2005, vol. 29, no. 1 (2005).

  34. On China’s protracted military pressure on Vietnam, see Zhang Xiaoming, Deng Xiaoping's Long War: The Military Conflict between China and Vietnam, 1979–1991 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2015).

  35. For a thorough discussion of Russian frustration at trying to overcome the geographic obstacles to expansion into the Far East, see Walter A. McDougall, Let the Sea Make a Noise; A History of the North Pacific from Magellan to MacArthur (New York: Basic Books, 1993).

  36. See the treatment of the territorial conflict in S.C.M. Paine, Imperial Rivals: China, Russia, and Their Disputed Frontier (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1997), pp. 52–57; 87–88.

  37. John J. Stephan, The Russian Far East: A History (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994), pp. 57, 84–85; David Wolff, “Russia Finds its Limits: Crossing Borders into Manchuria,” in Stephen Kotkin and David Wolff, Rediscovering Russia in Asia: Siberia and the Russian Far East (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1995), p. 42.

  38. Donald W. Mitchell, A History of Russian and Soviet Sea Power (New York: Macmillan, 1974), pp. 204–210, 216–233; chapters 11, 12.

  39. Stephan, The Russian Far East, pp. 163, 266; Hara Teruyuki, “Japan Moves North: The Japanese Occupation of Northern Sakhalin (1920 s),” in Kotkin and Wolf, Rediscovering Russia in Asia.

  40. Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War: The Making of the Sino-American Confrontation (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), p. 104.

  41. Stephan, The Soviet Far East, p. 163; Hara Teruyuki, “Japan Moves North: The Japanese Occupation of Northern Sakhalin (1920 s),” in Kotkin and Wolf, Rediscovering Russia in Asia On the Baikal-Amur Railway, see John J. Stephan, The Russian Far East: A History (Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1994), p. 266; Delovy Mir, July 25–July 29, 1997, in FBIS, August 18, 1997 (SOV-970157-S).

  42. On Soviet Cold War buildup in the Far East and it expanded naval presence, see George W. Baer, One Hundred Years of Sea Power: 1890–1990 (Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1993). On conventional deployments, see Paul F. Langer, “Soviet Military Power in Asia,” in Donald S. Zagoria, ed., Soviet Policy in Asia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982); Robert A. Scalapino, “Asia in a Global Context: Strategic Issues for the Soviet Union,” in Richard H. Solomon and Masataka Kosaka, eds., The Soviet Far East Military Buildup: Nuclear Dilemmas and Asian Security (Dover, Mass: Auburn House, 1986); Harry Gelman, “The Soviet Far East Military Buildup: Motives and Prospects,” in ibid.; Harry Gelman, The Soviet Far East Buildup and Soviet Risk-Taking Against China (Santa Monica, Calif: RAND, 1982).

  43. Dragoș Tîrnoveanu, “Russia, China and the Far East Question,” The Diplomat, January 20, 2016, at http://thediplomat.com/2016/01/russia-china-and-the-far-east-question/ (accessed July 15, 2017); Nicholas Eberstadt, “The Dying Bear: Russia's Demographic Disaster,” Foreign Affairs, vol. 90, no. 6, (November/December 2011); Michael Khodarkovsk, “So Much Land, Too Few Russians,” New York Times, September 16, 2016, at https://www.nytimes.com/2016/09/17/opinion/so-much-land-too-few-russians.html; Paul Goble “Russians Are Not Fools’—Moscow Failing to Encourage Significant Migration to Far East”. Eurasia Daily Monitor, vol. 15, no. 12 (January 25, 2018), at https://jamestown.org/program/russians-not-fools-moscow-failing-encourage-significant-migration-far-east/.

  44. Nathan Hodge, “Putin Pitches for Foreign Investment in Russia’s Far East” Wall Street Journal, September 4, 2015, at https://www.wsj.com/articles/putin-pitches-for-foreign-investment-in-russias-far-east-1441354851 (accessed July 15, 2017); Stephen Blank, “Toward a New Chinese Order in Asia: Russia’s Failure,” NBR Special Report no. 26 (March 2011).

  45. On the decline of infrastructure, see “Russian Far East’s Population Decline Spurred by Poor Infrastructure,” Russia Business Today, July 4, 2018, at https://russiabusinesstoday.com/infrastructure/russian-far-easts-population-decline-spurred-by-poor-infrastructure/.

  46. Lance M. Bacon, “Joint Exercises Put U.S. Navy at Russia's Doorstep,” Navy Times, April 4, 2015, at http://www.navytimes.com/story/military/2015/04/04/russia-navy-exercises-aggression/25265193/.

  47. Igor Sutyagin, Russian Forces in Ukraine (London: Royal United Services Institute, 2015), at https://www.rusi.org/downloads/assets/201503_BP_Russian_Forces_in_Ukraine_FINAL.pdf.

  48. Business and Financial Climate in the Far Eastern Region, Deloitte CIS Research Center (2018), at https://www2.deloitte.com/content/dam/Deloitte/ru/Documents/research-center/far-eastern-federal-district.pdf; National Data, Annual by Province, National Bureau of Statistics of China, at http://data.stats.gov.cn/english/easyquery.htm?cn=E0103; “2017 GDP Figures for 20 Chinese Provinces Released,” China Banking News, January 24, 2018, at http://data.stats.gov.cn/english/easyquery.htm?cn=E0103.

  49. On Sino-Russian border relations in the 1990 s, see James Clay Moltz, “Regional Tensions in the Russo-Japanese Rapprochement,” Asian Survey, Vol. 35, No. 6 (June 1995), 511–527; Gilbert Rozman, “Northeast China: Waiting for Regionalism” Problems of Post-Communism, Vol. 45, No. 4 (July–August 1998), pp. 3–13; Gilbert Rozman, The Crisis of the Russian Far East: Who Is To Blame?,” Problems of Post-Communism, Vol. 44, No. 5 (September–October 1997), pp. 3–12.

  50. “GDP (current US$),” World Bank, at https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/ny.gdp.mktp.cd?view=map; GDP growth (annual %), World Bank, at https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.KD.ZG?view=map. These figures are based on official national statistics. Neither Russian nor Chinese statistics are reliable as absolute indicators. They should be used for comparative perspectives.

  51. On the Russian economy in 2017, see Anna Andrianova, “Russian Recovery Sputters as Economy Continues Slog After Crisis,” Bloomberg, May 17, 2017, at https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-05-17/russian-recovery-sputters-as-economy-continues-slog-after-crisis (accessed July 18, 2017).

  52. Nan Tian, Aude Fleurant, Pieter D. Wezemana and Siemon T. Wezeman, Trends in World Military Expenditure, 2016, SIPRI Fact Sheet, April 2017 (Stockholm, SIPRI, April 2017); “Military expenditure (% of general government expenditure),” World Bank, at https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/MS.MIL.XPND.ZS.

  53. Dmitry Gorenburg, “Tracking Developments in the Russian Military,” January 14, 2015, at https://russiamil.wordpress.com/2015/01/14/russian-naval-capabilities-and-procurement-plans/ (accessed July 16, 2017); Gudrun Persson, ed., Russian Military Capability in a.

    Ten-Year Perspective—2016 (Stockholm, Swedish Defence Research Agency FOI, 2016); “How Russia Will Struggle to Keep Its Shipbuilders Afloat,” Startfor, January 20, 2016, at https://worldview.stratfor.com/article/how-russia-will-struggle-keep-its-shipbuilders-afloat.

  54. On the closing military technology gap between China and Russia, see Abraham Ait, “Does Russian Military Aviation Have Anything Left to Offer China?,” The Diplomat, April 5, 2019, at https://thediplomat.com/2019/04/does-russian-military-aviation-have-anything-left-to-offer-china/, The major exception is aircraft engines.

  55. On the costs and risks associated with commitments, see Glenn H. Snyder, “The Security Dilemma in Alliance Politics,” World Politics, vol. 36, no. 4 (July 1984).

  56. For a discussion of China’s development of hegemony in mainland East Asia, see Robert S. Ross, “Balance of Power Politics and the Rise of China: Accommodation and Balancing in East Asia,” Security Studies, vol. 15, no. 3 (July–September 2006).

  57. On Chinese and U.S. dominance over the other East Asian countries, see Øystein Tunsjø, The Return of Bipolarity in World Politics: China, the United States, and Geostructural Realism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2018).

  58. See, for example, John Mearsheimer, “Why the Ukraine Crisis Is the West’s Fault: The Liberal Delusions That Provoked Putin,” 93 Foreign Affairs. 77 (September/October 2014); Neil MacFarlane and Anand Menon, “The EU and Ukraine,” Survival, vol. 56, no. 3 (2014).

  59. Dmitry Gorenburg, “Armed Forces of Central Asia and the Regional Threat Situation,” Russian Military Reform, October 28, 2010, at https://russiamil.wordpress.com/category/force-structure/.

  60. Catherine Harris and Frederick W. Kagan, Russia’s Military Posture: Ground Forces Order of Battle, Institute for the Study of War, March 2018, at http://www.understandingwar.org/sites/default/files/Russian%20Ground%20Forces%20OOB_ISW%20CTP_0.pdf.

  61. On China’s expanded presence in Central Asia and its pipeline construction, see Younkyoo Kim and Stephen Blank, “Same Bed, Different Dreams: China's ‘peaceful rise’ and Sino–Russian rivalry in Central Asia,” Journal of Contemporary China, vol. 22. issue 83 (2013).

  62. “Central Asia's Economic Evolution From Russia To China,” Stratfor World View, April 5, 2018, at https://worldview.stratfor.com/article/central-asia-china-russia-trade-kyrgyzstan-kazakhstan-turkmenistan-tajikistan-uzbekistan.

  63. See, for example, Jeanne L. Wilson, “The Eurasian Economic Union and Chia’s Silk Road: Implications for the Russo-Chinese Relationship,” European Politics and Society, vol. 17, no. 51 (2016).

  64. Elizabeth Wishnick, “Russia in 2015: Putin Seeks Asian Escape from European Chill,” Asian Survey, vol. 56, no. 1 (January/February 2016); Gabriel Domingue, “Russia Begins Delivering S-400 Air Defence Systems to China, Says Report,” Jane's 360, January 18, 2018, at http://www.janes.com/article/77157/russia-begins-delivering-s-400-air-defence-systems-to-china-says-report.

  65. On Sino-Russian energy cooperation, see Øystein Tunsjø, Security and Profit in China's Energy Policy: Hedging Against Risk, (New York: Columbia University Press, 2013). On the 2014 Sino-Russian gas and pipeline agreement see Jane Perlez, “China and Russia Reach 30-Year Gas Deal,” New York Times, May 21, 2014 (accessed on July 18, 2017).

  66. Allen Cone, “European NATO members to boost spending this year,” UPI, June 25, 2019, at https://www.upi.com/Defense-News/2019/06/25/European-NATO-members-to-boost-spending-this-year/2541561467847/.

  67. Author’s interviews with Chinese government and military researchers.

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Robert S. Ross.

Ethics declarations

Conflict of interest

The author does not have a financial or personal relationship with a third party whose interests could be positively or negatively influenced by the article’s content.

Additional information

Publisher's Note

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

About this article

Check for updates. Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this article

Ross, R.S. Sino-Russian relations: the false promise of Russian balancing. Int Polit 57, 834–854 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41311-019-00192-w

Download citation

  • Published:

  • Issue Date:

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41311-019-00192-w

Keywords

Navigation