Abstract
We argue that some organisms are altruistically motivated and such altruistic motivation is adaptive. We lay out the helper’s decision problem—determining whether to help another organism. We point out that there are more ways of solving this problem than most people recognize. Specifically, we distinguish two kinds of altruistic motivations, depending on whether a desire to help is produced for one’s own sake or for others’ sake. We identify circumstances in which either kind of psychological altruism provides the most adaptive solution to the helper’s decision problem. As a result, we show that both kinds of psychological altruism are likely to be instantiated and selected for.
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Notes
Analogous points can also be made within other theoretical frameworks, such as involving neighborhood-modulated fitness or multi-level selection theory.
We will remain neutral on the vexed issues of what counts as a representation and how it gets its content. Any reasonable account will do. For an opinionated defense of representational explanation within cognitive neuroscience that doubles as a defense of the notion of neurocognitive mechanism we adopt here, see Boone and Piccinini (2016) and Thomson and Piccinini (2018).
As noted earlier, an organism’s direct fitness is the expected number of offspring it has just by itself. The organism’s personal fitness is simply its expected number of offspring (this will be greater than its direct fitness if some of its offspring result at least partly from the actions of other organisms). Finally, an organism’s inclusive fitness is the relatedness-weighted sum of the organism’s own direct fitness and those of the other organisms it is related to (see also Birch 2017). Note also that the points in the text could be made in terms of other notions of fitness as well (such as neighborhood-modulated fitness or various multi-level notions of fitness—Wilson 2015, 28; Okasha 2006; Sober and Wilson 1998, Gardner et al. 2011).
In cases where the relevant organisms are cultural learners, what determines whether a behavior will spread through the population—i.e., whether it is adaptive in the broadest sense—can depend on more than its biological adaptiveness. Gächter et al. (2010) find that culture influences cooperation. For more on this, see e.g., Boyd and Richerson (2005), Richerson et al. (2016), Stich (2016). See also below.
The notion of innateness is controversial. For an account that suits our purposes, see Northcott and Piccinini (in press).
Put differently, egoistically produced desires are desires produced by mechanisms whose evolution is driven just by the fact that they increase the direct reproductive fitness (i.e., the number of offspring) of the organism in question, while not increasing its indirect fitness (so that the second component of the inclusive fitness calculation here is zero).
This internalization mechanism could also be seen as a form of reward-based learning. However, this would not alter the main point in the text: namely, that desires can be egoistically produced.
We may distinguish further between two kinds of altruistically produced desires. Strictly altruistically produced desires are produced by mechanisms solely selected for increasing others’ direct fitness—they increase the expected reproductive success of that other organism and do not affect or even decrease the bearer’s expected reproductive success. Broadly altruistically produced desires are produced by mechanisms selected for increasing others’ direct fitness along with their bearer’s (what West et al. 2007, call “mutual benefit”). This distinction will not play a role in this paper.
De Waal (2008) argues that empathy can play such a role; Klimecki et al. (2016) provide additional supporting evidence. Someone might object that empathy-driven altruistic behavior is selfishly motivated, because it improves the agent’s emotional state. This objection is confused. It is well established that empathy can lead to either altruistic or selfish desires and, consequently, to either altruistic or selfish behaviors (Schulz 2017). Here we are considering cases in which empathy leads to ultimate altruistic desires. In such cases, empathy deserves to be considered a component in an altruistic source of desires. Any improvement in the agent’s emotional state, which may or may not follow the desire’s satisfaction, is not the agent’s motive—it’s just a by-product.
Classical psychological altruism admits of two variants: a pure variant, where the ultimate desires with altruistic content are all produced altruistically (whether strictly or broadly), and an impure variant, where the ultimate desires with altruistic content are produced either altruistically or neutrally. We will not consider this subdivision further.
As noted earlier, they may have a second source in the form of desires formed by habit. As also noted earlier, we will not consider this further here.
Psychological egoists decide whether to help by assessing whether helping increases their own wellbeing. If the psychological variables egoists use as a proxy for wellbeing correlate with personal or direct fitness (as opposed to inclusive fitness), egoists will not choose to help when helping increases their inclusive fitness without increasing their direct or personal fitness. Therefore, psychological egoism will fail to lead to helping behaviors in cases of selected-for evolutionary biological altruism. This further strengthens the conclusion established in the main text. This could be avoided if an egoist’s proxy for personal wellbeing correlates with its inclusive fitness, but the biological plausibility of this is low—for reasons related to the ones laid out in the text.
Donaldson and Young (2008) review evidence that oxytocin and vasopressin modulate complex social behavior. De Dreu (2012) reviews evidence that oxytocin release enables categorization of others into in-group versus out-group members, promotes trust towards in-group members, and motivates cooperation with in-group members and aggression towards out-group members. Frost (2016) provides a formal argument that ritual bonding can promote helping behavior in a way that is consistent with nonclassical psychological altruism. For two types of cooperation that would benefit from this type of mechanism, see Brosnan and de Waal (2002) on symmetry-based reciprocity and attitudinal reciprocity. See also Soares et al. 2010.
An example of inappropriate internal change is instrumental reasoning aimed at avoiding punishment and reaping rewards. Organisms that respond thus are (maladaptive) psychological egoists. We are not considering that sort of response here, although it is certainly a possible one.
There is an asymmetry here, in that we do not need to take this diachronic perspective when it comes to psychological egoism and impersonal agency: as noted above, these are defined just by the contents of the relevant conative states. Still, the cognitive neuroscience of helping behavior cannot ignore the diachronic perspective, on pain of missing the distinction between classical and nonclassical altruism.
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Piccinini, G., Schulz, A.W. The Ways of Altruism. Evolutionary Psychological Science 5, 58–70 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40806-018-0167-3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s40806-018-0167-3