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The productivity of variable disyllabic tone sandhi in Tianjin Chinese

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Abstract

Tianjin Chinese has one of the more complex tone sandhi systems in Northern Chinese dialects. Due to its close contact with Standard Chinese, many of its tone sandhi patterns are also variable. This article first reports a detailed acoustic study of tone sandhi patterns in both real lexical items and novel words in Tianjin. The data were collected from 48 speakers of Tianjin, who were instructed to pronounce disyllabic sequences as real words based on voice prompts. The results showed that the productivity of the sandhis in novel words varied depending on the sandhi—some were less productive than in real words, and some were more productive, indicating a combination of underlearning, overlearning, and proper learning of the sandhis from the lexicon. A theoretical model that predicts the productivity patterns based on the phonetic properties of the sandhis and statistical generalizations about the sandhis over the lexicon is then proposed.

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Notes

  1. The transcriptions of the Tianjin tones vary from source to source. For example, using Chao’s tone numbers (Chao 1968), Li and Liu (1985) transcribed the four tones as 21, 45, 213, 54, respectively, while Shi (1990) used 11, 55, 24, 53. We use Chen’s (2000) notation here. For more detailed discussion and acoustic data on Tianjin citation tones, see Zhang and Liu (2011).

  2. In addition, Shi and Wang (2004) also found that for T1+T1, younger speakers (<20 years) consistently used T2+T1 as the sandhi tones, not the previously reported T3+T1, while older speakers (>70%) varied between T3+T1 and T2+T1. See Lu (1997, 2004) and Zhang and Liu (2011) for similar findings and additional discussions.

  3. An anonymous reviewer questioned the phonetic basis of the T3+T2 sandhi as the opposite pattern, whereby L+H → LH+H, is attested in African languages. But this type of regressive tone spreading is considerably rarer than progressive assimilation (Maddieson 1978; Hyman 2007; Zhang 2007). Hyman (2007) in fact goes on to argue that regressive tone spreading is due to special circumstances involving tone attraction to stressed positions or pressure from intonation at the right edge and therefore is not a diachronically natural process.

  4. Although neither author is a native speaker of Tianjin, we believe that our judgment was accurate as stressless syllables in Tianjin have significantly reduced duration (Jiang 1994), similar to Standard Chinese.

  5. A reviewer asked what restrictions UseListed constraints would have and whether they only refer to tones of a given language. These are interesting and difficult questions. Provided that (a) a lexical phonological pattern is not entirely productive, and (b) there are productivity differences among different types of phonological patterns, indicating that the lack of full productivity is not just a task effect, it is necessary to encode the effect of lexicality for this pattern in the grammar. Therefore, UseListed constraints would be applicable to any type of phonological pattern, not just tonal ones. It is possible to conceive of UseListed constraints simply as IO-faithfulness constraints, which would require the output to be identical to the listed form. This is essentially how we have used these constraints here. It is then less of a surprise that these constraints are applicable to other phonological features. In a published update of Zuraw (2000), Zuraw (2010) in fact rephrased the UseListed constraints in similar terms and distinguished the correspondence between the output and the listed form and the correspondence between the output and the “underlying” form by shifting the burden of the latter to Output–Output-correspondence. We have simply maintained the distinction between UseListed and IO-faithfulness here. The proliferation of the UseListed constraints is necessary for the analysis of lexical frequency effects on productivity as well as lexical variation, and Coetzee (2009), Becker et al. (2011), and Coetzee and Kawahara (2013), among others, have used a similar strategy.

  6. The markedness constraints should be taken as phonotactic generalizations that speakers make when tonal alternations are encountered. This is different from the canonical OT assumption that all constraints are in UG (Prince and Smolensky 1993). For modeling the learning of phonotactic constraints, see Hayes and Wilson (2008).

  7. The reason we use Preserve instead of Ident in our faithfulness constraints is that in its formal definition, Ident(F) requires [F] to be a distinctive feature; the featural representation of tone, however, is controversial in both the number of tone levels and whether there are contour tone features (see Zhang 2010 for a review of the issue). We have therefore chosen to use the theory-neutral Preserve to avoid this controversy.

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Acknowledgments

We are indebted to Ping Wang, Xiaoyu Zeng, and Feng Shi at Nankai University for hosting us during data collection and discussing various aspects of this project with us. We also thank Geng Wang for serving as our Tianjin language consultant and the speakers of Tianjin who participated in our experiment. We are grateful to the participants at GLOW-Asia 8 and the second Pan-American/Iberian Meeting on Acoustics, especially James Myers, Doug Whalen, and Charles Yang, for their comments on this research. We, however, remain fully responsible for the opinions expressed here. This research was supported by the National Science Foundation grant BCS-0750773 and the University of Kansas General Research Fund 2301166.

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  1. Department of Linguistics, The University of Kansas, 1541 Lilac Lane, Blake Hall, Room 427, Lawrence, KS, 66045-3129, USA

    Jie Zhang

  2. Department of Asian Languages and Literatures, University of Minnesota, 220 Folwell Hall, 9 Pleasant Street SE, Minneapolis, MN, 55455, USA

    Jiang Liu

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Zhang, J., Liu, J. The productivity of variable disyllabic tone sandhi in Tianjin Chinese. J East Asian Linguist 25, 1–35 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10831-015-9135-0

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