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A Model for Predicting Outcomes of Sexual Harassment Complaints by Race and Gender

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Abstract

Organizational scholars have studied the impact of sex on sexual harassment outcomes but left unexplored the influences of race. Thus, we use social identity theory to explore the role of race stereotypes and their influences on sexual harassment outcomes. We posit that stereotypes of African-American women tend to be much more negative than those of white women and this serves to marginalize their position both as victims of sexual harassment as well as complainants.

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Notes

  1. Although research studies have found that both women and men can be subjected to sexual harassment in the workplace, the vast majority of the victims of sexual harassment are women (USMSPB 1988, 1995). This is also borne out by the number of complaints on sexual harassment filed with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC). Therefore, in our model we focus on male defendants and female complainants.

  2. Title VII of the Equal Employment Opportunity Act states that “Unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature constitute sexual harassment when (1) submission to such conduct is made explicitly or implicitly a term or condition of an individual’s employment, (2) submission to or rejection of such conduct by individual is used as a basis for employment decisions affecting such individual, or (3) such conduct has the purpose or effect of substantially interfering with an individual’s work performance or creating an intimidating, hostile, or offensive working environment” (Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 1981: E-10).

  3. While Murrell (1996), following the lead of Bell et al. (1993), defines the term “women of color” as referring to African-American, Latina, Native American, and Asian American women, Adams (1997) suggests a more precise analysis to differentiate among the different ethnic groups based on the fact that the experiences of these groups are quite varied. Adams points out that minority immigrants may indeed face economic hardships, discrimination, and low job status when they first come to the United States. However, most immigrants come to the United States with the expectations of eventual citizenship status, whereas the majority of African-Americans arrived in America as slaves (Adams 1997). Adams, citing Hacker (1992) and Lerner (1972), persuasively argues that the circumstances of African-American immigration to the United States were so unique and the context of the economic, social, and sexual exploitation of African-American women that followed was so devastating that it clearly distinguishes the historical experiences of African-Americans from those of other minorities. Coon and Kemmelmeier (2001) using similar arguments suggest that diverse history and status of the minority groups is critical for researchers to keep in mind as cultural stereotypes about African Americans, Asian Americans, and Latina Americans are not comparable. Based on this reasoning, we conclude that a meaningful analysis of sexual harassment experiences of African-American women must focus on African-American women and not on all “women of color.” We make this assumption in formulating our theoretical model and limit the model by focusing on two races only; African-American and white.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. College of Business, Bryant University, 1150 Douglas Pike, Smithfield, RI, 02824, USA

    Harsh K. Luthar & Eileen Kwesiga

  2. School of Business Administration, Loyola University Chicago, 820 North Michigan Avenue, Chicago, IL, 60611, USA

    Jasmine Tata

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  1. Harsh K. Luthar
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Correspondence to Harsh K. Luthar.

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Luthar, H.K., Tata, J. & Kwesiga, E. A Model for Predicting Outcomes of Sexual Harassment Complaints by Race and Gender. Employ Respons Rights J 21, 21–35 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10672-008-9072-4

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