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Why was Schumpeter not more concerned with patents?

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A Correction to this article was published on 29 August 2019

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Abstract

Although Schumpeter is widely acknowledged as a pioneer of the economic analysis of innovation and although the patent system occupies an important place today in this field of research, Schumpeter did not see patents as playing a key role for fostering innovation. He mentioned them only a couple of times, in passing, and never developed any scientific analysis of the patent system. In this paper, we propose an explanation of this blind spot based on three characteristics of Schumpeter’s thought: first, entrepreneurs are largely motivated by non-monetary elements; second, they enjoy a first-mover advantage because imitation is difficult; third, Schumpeter viewed the innovation process as a relentless race in which firms are doomed to innovate in order to avoid disappearing. The Schumpeterian view of the economic process therefore largely reduces the economic importance of patents.

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  • 29 August 2019

    The original version of this paper unfortunately contained error. The names of the authors are inadvertently inverted. The correct names are already corrected in this paper.

Notes

  1. The minor role given to patents is all the more puzzling as Schumpeter did place market power at the heart of the innovation dynamics (Gilbert 2006). In line with the tradition of the classical economists, Schumpeter, for a long time, used the concept of free competition rather than the marginalist concept of perfect competition. In a famous citation he claimed that: “perfect competition is not only impossible but inferior and has no title to being set up as a model of ideal efficiency” (1942, p. 106).

  2. As Blaug (2005) mentions, Bentham, Adam Smith, McCulloch, John Stuart Mill and later Sidgwick and Pigou in Britain and Jean-Baptiste Say, Bastiat, Dupuit and Walras in France all participated in this debate.

  3. It is interesting to mention that incentives in general were not a central economic concern for Schumpeter. As Laffont and Martimort noted (2002, p. 11): “It is surprising to observe that Schumpeter (1954) does not mention the word of incentives in his monumental history of economic thought. How is it possible when today, for many economists, economics is to a large extent a matter of incentives”. We interpret this as evidence that the issue of incentives emerged in economics mostly in the 1970s and 1980s, with the rise of the economics of information.

  4. In his well-known study “An economics review of the patent system”, submitted to the United States Senate in 1958, Machlup writes: “That society should protect, and thereby stimulate, investment in innovation -not just invention- has been held by many; hut few were as consistent in their conclusions as Joseph A. Schumpeter, who on these grounds favored permitting monopolistic practices of various sorts. He argued that temporary security from competition, through cartels, patents, or other restraints, would encourage firms to put more venture capital into innovating investment” (Machlup 1958, p. 9).

  5. He writes: “The main value to a concern of a single seller position that is secured by patent or monopolistic strategy does not consist so much in the opportunity to behave temporarily according to the monopolist schema, as in the protection it affords against temporary disorganization of the market and the space it secures for long-range planning” (Schumpeter 1942, p. 103).

  6. “Walras would have said (and as a matter of fact he did say it to me the only time that I had the opportunity to converse with him) that of course economic life is essentially passive and merely adapts itself to the natural and social influences which may be acting on it, so that the theory of a stationary process constitutes really the whole of theoretical economics and that as economic theorists we cannot say much about the factors that account for historical change […] I felt very strongly that this was wrong and that there was a source of energy within the economic system which would of itself disrupt any equilibrium that might be attained” (Schumpeter 1937, p. 166).

  7. This can also be observed in Schumpeter’s parallels between economics and art. Schumpeter was indeed deeply interested in the history of art, particularly about how and why artistic evolutions occur in society. As for the economy, he observes that a minority of not necessarily profit-minded individuals drive changes in art.

  8. For example, he wrote: “Economic history of capitalism would be different from what it is if new ideas had been currently and smoothly adopted, as a matter of course, by all firms to whose business they were relevant. However, they were not. It is in most cases only one man or a few men who see the new possibility and are able to cope with the resistances and difficulties” (Schumpeter 1947, p. 152).

  9. On patents, Hayek wrote: “It seems to me beyond doubt that in these fields a slavish application of the concept of property as it has been developed for material things has done a great deal to foster the growth of monopoly and that here drastic reforms may be required if competition is to be made to work. […] Patents, in particular, are specially interesting from our point of view because they provide so clear an illustration of how it is necessary in all such instances not to apply a ready-made formula but to go back to the rationale of the market system and to decide for each class what the precise rights are to be which the government ought to protect.” (1948, p. 114).

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Acknowledgements

We thank Professor Mark S. Knell for his useful suggestions and remarks during the EMAEE 2017 conference.

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Correspondence to Rémy Guichardaz.

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The original version of this article was revised. The names of both authors are inverted and is now corrected.

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Guichardaz, R., Pénin, J. Why was Schumpeter not more concerned with patents?. J Evol Econ 29, 1361–1369 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s00191-019-00633-y

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