International Journal of the Classical Tradition

, Volume 12, Issue 2, pp 269–277 | Cite as

The renaissance university

  • Anthony F. D’Elia
Review Articles


Moral Philosophy Sixteenth Century Classical Tradition Thirteenth Century Fifteenth Century 
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  1. 1.
    For Paul O. Kristeller’s work on universities, see, for example, “The University of Bologna in the Renaissance,”Studi e memorie per la storia dell’Università di Bologna n.s. 1 (1956), 313–323 (repr. in Kristeller,Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters II, Storia e Letteratura 166 [Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1985], 135–146); and “The Curriculum of the Italian Renaissance Universities from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance,”Proceedings of the PMR Conference, Villanova, Pa., 9 (1985), 1–16. Cf.idem, Die italienischen Universitäten der Renaissance, Schriften und Vorträge des Petrarca-Institus Köln 1 (Krefeld: Scherpe, 1953), repr. in Kristeller,Humanismus und Renaissance II:Philosophie, Bildung und Kunst, Philosophische Bibliothek I: Abhandlungen, 22 [München: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1976], 207–243.—For Charles B. Schmitt, see, among other works,The Aristotelian Tradition and Renaissance Universities (London: Variorum, 1984).Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    Schooling in Renaissance Italy: Literacy and Learning, 1300–1600 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989).Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    A History of the University in Europe, volume I:Universities in the Middle Ages, ed. Hilde De Ridder-Symoens (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992);A History of the University in Europe, volume II:Universities in Early Modern Europe, 1500–1800, ed. Hilde De Ridder-Symoens (ibid., 1996).Google Scholar
  4. 4.
    Walter Rüegg, “The Rise of Humanism,” vol. I: 442–468; Walter Rüegg, “Themes,” vol. II: 3–42. Müller makes no mention of humanism in his article on teaching. Instead he repeats the information in Schwinger’s discussion of medieval university teaching and says that the teaching method was the same as in the middle ages until the eighteenth century, when vernaculars replaced Latin. See Rainer A. Müller, “Student Education, Student Life,” vol. II: 343–345; Rainer Christoph Schwinges, “Student Education, Student Life,” vol. I: 231–234. Laurence Brockliss, “Curricula”, vol. II: 563–575, however, offers a more extensive discussion of teaching methods. Compare with Grendler’s detailed account, as discussed below.Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    Vol. II: 8. Rüegg follows Hans Baron’s connection of humanism and social activism. See Hans Baron,The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance: Civic Humanism and Republican Liberty in an Age of Classicism and Tyranny, revised edition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966), and cf.Renaissance civic Humanism: reappraisals and reflections, ed. James Hankins, Ideas in context, 57 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000). Rüegg also cites Eienne Gilson twice, Vol. II: 28; vol. I: 449. While Gilson was a giant for his work on medieval scholasticism in his time, the 1940s, one would hardly use him as an authority on Renaissance humanism.Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    Vol. II: 28.Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press, 1540–1605 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977).Google Scholar
  8. 8.
    On this, see Anthony Levi,Renaissance and Reformation: The Intellectual Genesis (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2002), 320–323 (and cf. Erika Rummel’s review,IJCT 11 [2004–2005], 308–309).Google Scholar
  9. 9.
    Robert Black,Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy: Tradition and Innovation in Latin Schools from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001).Google Scholar
  10. 10.
    The definitive study of Simplicius isSimplicius: sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie, ed. Ilsetraut Hadot, Peripatoi. Philologisch-historische Studien zum Aristotelismus 15 (Berlin-New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1987), which contains an introductory article by Hadot on “La vie et l’œuvre de Simplicius d’après des sources grecques et arabes” (pp. 3–39) and a group of articles on “Transmission des textes.” Grendler does not cite this. (Dr. Wolfgang Haase gave me this reference.)Google Scholar
  11. 11.
    Vol. II: 38–41.Google Scholar
  12. 12.
    David Sturdy, “A ‘Crise de Conscience Européenne avant la Lettre’? Classical Science and the Origins of the Scientific Revolution,”IJCT 10 (2003–2004), pp. 54–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Copyright information

© Springer 2005

Authors and Affiliations

  • Anthony F. D’Elia
    • 1
  1. 1.Department of HistoryQueen’s UniversityKingston

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