Abstract
Since Christian visual culture emerged from the substratum of antique pagan imagery in the late second – third century AD, the relationship between iconoclastic and iconophile views has oscillated in Christianity. The basis of the criticism against imagery was the ban imposed in the Old Testament, which was interpreted, depending on exegetical stringency, as a strict ban on either the production of images of God or of any representation of animated creatures. In the eighth century, the confrontation between the opposing inner-Christian positions culminated in the Byzantine Iconoclastic Controversy. With reference to the actual discourse of hybridity in cultural theory, this paper provides a case study of processes in the eighth century which took place in the Syro-Palestinian region during the clash of Christian and Muslim Arab religious ideas and visual cultures. Archaeological investigations of church interiors in this area have documented a trend towards geometrical motifs on the one hand, and deliberate destruction of older figural representations on the other: mosaic tesserae were removed from relevant places in floor mosaics and rearranged on the same spot into abstract or floral motifs. These discoveries raise the questions of the agents’ identity and the backgrounds to these iconophobic acts.
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Notes
- 1.
The literature on this topic is immense. For a current overview see Jäggi 2009, for a short summary see Helas 2003. Broad insights are given by Elliger 1930, Bredekamp 1975, Bryer and Herrin 1977, Dohmen and Sternberg 1987, Feld 1990, Möseneder 1997, Besançon 2001, and McClanan and Johnson 2005. Especially helpful are Baynes 1951, Stock 2007, and – on Western iconoclasm – Angenendt 2001, and Noble 2009.
- 2.
From the wide research available on this subject only some references shall be cited: Martin 1930 and Irmscher 1980 offer clear and still current summaries of the Byzantine Iconolastic Controversy; a short overview can be found in Lange 2007. The iconoclasm under Leo III has been analysed by Gero 1973. Grabar 1957 provides a collection of archaeological sources, which is expanded by Brubaker and Haldon 2001. The cultural roots of the Byzantine phenomenon are discussed by Barnard 1974.
- 3.
The 634 invasion of Syria (fall of Gaza, Bethlehem), followed by the final, August 636 battle at the river Yarmuk, and the falls of Jerusalem between 635 and 638, and Caesarea in 640.
- 4.
As Piccirillo 1998, 263 points out, in this region the habit of laying out mosaic pavements and wall mosaics persisted at least until the second half of the eighth century.
- 5.
Adnan Shiyyab has assembled more than 60 churches in Palestine and Jordan showing clear signs of iconoclastic activities (Shiyyab 2006).
- 6.
Eliya Ribak concludes that in the provinces of Palestine, “iconoclasm appears in 21% of synagogues where human figures have been recognised and in 25% of churches with human figures” (Ribak 2007, 33).
- 7.
For the original conditions see Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987, pl. CIX.
- 8.
Damage of that kind has also been found in the Palestinian Jewish synagogues of Na’aran and Meroth (Ribak 2007, 33). In Meroth the evidence suggests that only the eyes of the figures were destroyed. This alteration, combined with covering the mosaic with a flagstone floor, already took place before the Muslim reign, possibly at the end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century (Ribak 2007, 34).
- 9.
E.g. at Madaba (map church and cathedral), Nitl, Rihab, Umm er-Rasas, Zei.
- 10.
See also the drawing in Schick 1995, plate X. The present inscription has to be read as 785, in the time of Bishop Sergius, given as year 680 according to the era of the province of Arabia. The explanation given for the different original date is that the inscription was damaged around that date. The person who repaired the damage didn’t know Greek as can be recognised by the incorrect use of individual letters. A few coloured mosaic cubes in the otherwise pure white background give a hint of which part was damaged and then restored by the worker. The first letter of the date seems to be original. It is a Greek X, symbolising 600 in the system of the milesian numerals. The following Greek letter Π symbolising 80 is a restoration. Instead of it, Schick argues, originally there were the letters ΙΓ symbolising 13 (I = 10, Γ = 3). Piccirillo and Alliata 1994, 244–246 and Ognibene 2002, 79 follow Schick in this argumentation. The restoration of the date was completed before the church was abandoned.
- 11.
The mosaics of the two churches at Umm er-Rasas were covered with a layer of silt and ash. This indicates that the buildings were abandoned for some time before their collapse. Obviously the buildings were not extensively robbed before they collapsed because many fragments of the interior furnishings - such as columns, chancel screens, and reliquaries - were found inside. The latest pottery sherds found in the area of the two churches of Bishop Sergius and Saint Stephen have been Early Islamic, perhaps datable to the ninth century.
- 12.
Another example for this modus operandi can be found in the lower church at el-Quweisma. For various examples see Schick 1995, 200.
- 13.
The exact beginning of Leo III’s iconoclasm is not handed down in the written sources. Probably one of his first actions was the destruction of the icon of Christ at the Chalke portal leading to the imperial palace in Constantinople in 726.
- 14.
Although the text was written by Stephen the deacon (of the Great Church in Constantinople) at the beginning of the ninth century according to his own statement, the iconophile passages may have been added as late as the end of the iconoclastic controversy in the middle of the ninth century. See Auzépy 1997.
- 15.
Vita Stephani iunioris (Patrologia Graeca 100, col. 1113), translation by Mango 1993, 152.
- 16.
In addition, Byzantine iconoclasm was turned down by the Christian church hierarchy in the east. It was condemned by local synods and patriarchs in 760, 764 and 767 (Brubaker and Haldon 2001, 35).
- 17.
In the sixth century, Jewish communities also showed a revulsion for figural representations which previously had been accepted in synagogues (King 1985, 26; Fine 2000). Eliya Ribak has observed that “iconoclasm also affected both churches and Jewish synagogues in the same way and in the same locations, suggesting a shared theology of images” (Ribak 2007, 78). Interestingly, Samaritan synagogues in Palestine that were likewise decorated with mosaic floors were not affected by iconoclasm. The reason for this was that originally they did not depict living creatures on their mosaic pavements or any other religious object (Ribak 2007, 33, 78).
- 18.
There is also an extensive bibliography on the Muslim attitudes towards images. See for instance the overview chapters in Barnard 1974, 10–33, Besançon 2000, 77–81, and Belting 2008, 67–80 with further references, and the publications of Paret 1960, Paret 1976–77, Grabar 1977, King 1985, Shiyyab 2006, and Naef 2007.
- 19.
For an overview of the diverse activities associated with this campaign see for example Griffith 2008.
- 20.
- 21.
Bonz and Struve 2006, 143 describe this phenomenon as the “Gleichzeitigkeit von Ungleichzeitigkeiten verschiedener Kulturen”.
- 22.
For the nascent discourse on this topic in the fields of art history and archaeology see Borgolte and Schneidmüller 2009, and the contributions of Philipp Stockhammer and Joseph Maran in the present volume. Dealing with the artistic changes of the 1990s, which were caused by the influences of the so-called new media, Christian W. Thomsen may be considered as a precursor of the debate (Thomsen 1994).
- 23.
He talked of the mosaic floor at Khirbet 'Asida as “a curious case of a ‘palimpsest’ mosaic, with the animals’ forms recognizable among the later flowers”.
- 24.
I owe this reference to Hans Peter Hahn.
- 25.
Flood 2001, 224 n. 171 underlines that the imagery of the Umayyad mosaics is very similar to the iconoclastic decoration of Monophysite churches; see the discussion above.
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Verstegen, U. (2012). Adjusting the Image – Processes of Hybridization in Visual Culture: A Perspective from Early Christian and Byzantine Archaeology. In: Stockhammer, P. (eds) Conceptualizing Cultural Hybridization. Transcultural Research – Heidelberg Studies on Asia and Europe in a Global Context. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-21846-0_6
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