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Ruling the waters: managing the water supply of Constantinople, ad 330–1204

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This article is dedicated to the memory of Professor Paolo Bono, Hydrogeologist of Lazio and Trakya.

Abstract

Constantinople was the largest city in late antiquity, and in medieval Europe until the thirteenth century. Over the first two centuries of the city’s life as a new imperial capital the eastern emperors created a water supply system to rival that of imperial Rome. This article summarises recent studies of the hydraulic system in Thrace in order to contextualise a discussion of imperial patronage and the methods used to finance the system’s upkeep. From the fourth to the sixth century collections of imperial legislation provide important evidence for the control of abuse, the distribution of water within the city and the financing of the system. This evidence is discussed in the context of the known topography and archaeology of the water supply to provide a richer understanding of the urban history. After a period of decline the system was renovated as the city’s population recovered and there is extensive evidence for continuing maintenance until the twelfth century. A number of senior Byzantine officials with specific responsibilities for the city’s water are discussed for the first time and provide important evidence for the continuing concerns necessary to sustain the developing urban population.

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Notes

  1. For the title of protovestes, known only in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, see Oikonomidès (1972, p. 294, n. 37).

  2. William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum 3.333.4; Odo of Deuil, De profectione Ludovici VII in Orientem. Historical sources for the water supply of Constantinople are collected in Crow et al. (2008, pp. 238–239).

  3. See the discussion and detailed account of the channels with maps in Crow et al. (2008). The total lengths given here represent a recalculation by Riley Snyder (Edinburgh University) of the original estimates in Crow et al. (2008), as part of his doctoral thesis on the construction of the Thracian water supply and Anastasian Wall. See a comparison between the Roman and Constantinopolitan systems in Ward-Perkins (2012, pp. 64–66, Fig. 3.5).

  4. Mango (1995) provides a valuable historical introduction and two recent major studies (Çeçen 1996; Crow et al. 2008) illustrate the extensive archaeological remains; see also the popular account, Romey 2003. A recent work of popular scholarship, however, Fagan 2011, sub-titled A Human History of Water, makes no reference to Constantinople, preferring to focus on the Islamic world at this period. In contrast see Lewis (2001).

  5. This is the large cistern constructed by Justinian, now called the Yerebatan Saray, the largest covered cistern in the city (see Malalas, Chronicle 18.17, and Chronicon Paschale p. 619 for ad 528; Crow et al. 2008, p. 232); for the Aqueduct of Hadrian, see Crow et al. (2008, pp. 10, 13–14, 116–117). An edict of Theodosius II and Valentinian CJ 11.42.6, datable between 439 and 441, restricted the use of water from the Hadrianic aqueduct to the imperial palace and public baths.

  6. The Kırkçeşme (forty springs) entered the city at approximately 35 m above sea level, see Crow et al. (2008, p. 115).

  7. See the new discussion of the Notitia Urbis Constantinopolitanae in Matthews 2012.

  8. The Constantinianae baths were started in 345 and not fully completed before 427 when they were renamed the Theodosianae. They were probably located on the east side of the valley between the third and fourth hills where they could have benefited from water supplied by both the Hadrianic and Valens aqueduct channels, see Fig. 2.

  9. Themistius states that the initial phase of the water channels was 1,000 stades, equal to 185 km; see Crow et al. 2008, pp. 26–27, Fig. 2.5.

  10. See examples at Kumarlidere, Crow et al. 2008, pp. 73–75, 100, Map 5, where primary bridges K31.1–K31.2 were replaced by the monumental single bridge K31.

  11. See Crow et al. 2008, p. 80, Map 8; this is the longest tunnel associated with the primary line, in the second phase an equivalent or longer tunnel existed to the east of Safalaan (2008, p. 42, Map 4).

  12. See Crow et al. 2008, pp. 161–162, n. 25, 172, Fig. 7.16, for discussion with references; note that recent restoration has obscured these features.

  13. See Lewis 2001 for a discussion of gradients and levelling techniques. For further details of the water channels and gradients see Crow et al. 2008, pp. 25–87, Fig. 5.4.

  14. For Kumarlidere see Crow et al. 2008, p. 100. The presence of two early channels known to cross the Bozdoğan Kemer (Aqueduct of Valens) may indicate that another approached the city, although so far only one high channel is known to approach the city from Cebeciköy, Crow et al. 2008, pp. 85, 87, Map 11.

  15. Cisterns documented in written accounts are listed in Crow et al. 2008, p. 128; see the concordance of cisterns in Crow et al. 2008, pp. 144–155, Maps 12–15; see also Figs 9.1, 9.2 and 9.3, later cisterns were constructed below churches D4/4a, and with earlier palaces at the Myrelaion, D7/2, Niewöhner 2010, and in the great hall of the hexagon of Antiochos, 2010.

  16. For a recent discussion of vaulted cisterns from the Greco-Roman world, see Oleson 2010, pp. 478–487; for Byzantine Ephesus see Wiplinger 2010, p. 609, Fig. 18; the wider use of cisterns is discussed by Wilson 2001 for North Africa, and 2007 for Rome. Crow et al. 2008, pp. 213–218 contrast the provision of cisterns in Rome and Constantinople.

  17. For translations see Crow et al. 2008, p. 223; for Alexandria see McKenzie 2007, p. 220, Figs 375, 376.

  18. See Crow et al. 2008, pp. 127–128; the latter cistern is shown in the recent reconstruction of the vicinity of Constantine’s forum as part of the Byzantium 1200 website, http://www.arkeo3d.com/byzantium1200/images/tile_01L.jpg

  19. Crow et al. 2008, p. 17, Fig. 3.1; Bono et al. 2001.

  20. See Crow et al. 2008, pp. 16, 230; note that in our earlier discussion we mistakenly identified Theodoric with Strabo not Amal; for the Avar siege see 2008, pp. 19, 236. Theophanes refers to the aqueduct of Valentinian, a frequent confusion in the ancient texts.

  21. See Bruun’s discussion in this volume, with extensive references. Translations are from Pharr 1952 and Scott 1932; the latter should be used with caution.

  22. The law codes are primarily concerned with water for urban use, see Bruun 2010 and Baldini-Lippolis 2007, Jaillette and Reduzzi Merola 2008 consider agricultural usage.

  23. This edict of Theodosius II and Valentinian III is addressed to Cyrus as praetorian prefect; he is known to have been urban prefect in 426 and 439–441, but praetorian prefect in 439–441 see PRLE 2, s.v. Fl. Taurus Seleucus Cyrus.

  24. See also an edict of Constantine I addressed to Maximilianus, consularis aquarum at Rome dated 330, CTh 15.2.1; this was an office subordinate to the praefectus urbi of Rome (Chastagnol 1960, pp. 47–48), and is attested into the fifth century (Ward-Perkins 1984, p. 40). There is no evidence for a similar post in Constantinople. Property owners were expected to maintain and clean the aqueduct channels passing through their properties and ensure a clear space 15 feet on either side of the channels, in compensation they are exempted from other ‘extraordinary burdens’, see Bruun 2001, pp. 593–594 and this volume (although cf. Bruun 2010 for doubts about the feasibility of their involvement).

  25. Water-mills are represented in the Great Palace mosaic and mills in the city are referred to in the Vita of St Olympias (late-fourth century) and are included in her holdings within the city; her family’s urban palace became a nunnery located close to Hagia Sophia. The Vita is translated in Kraemer 1988, pp. 197–198. For late Roman water-mills associated with aqueducts in Rome, see Wilson 2000, 2003.

  26. Seen most clearly at Kurşunlugerme, Crow et al. (2008, p. 61), Fig 3.37.

  27. See Bruun, this volume. However, Rome still seems to have retained state slaves into the sixth century, Jones 1964, pp. 695–696, 1285, n. 17; see also Bruun 1991, pp. 190–194 for a discussion of the aquarii and other personnel in Rome.

  28. Jones and Robinson 2005 estimate that only about 10% of houses in Pompeii received piped water.

  29. An uncia measured 2.47 cm, approximately the same as an inch, for the nunnery of St Olympias the Greek term used was oungias, see Mango 1995, p. 17; and see Crow 2012 for a discussion of late antique water supplies to monasteries in the city, especially the Akoimetoi and St Olympias.

  30. The Baths of Achilles had been destroyed in a fire in 433 (Chron. Pasc. 583, Whitby and Whitby 1989, p. 71) and were restored 10 years later (Marcell. Comes 443; Chron Pasc. 583). To fit in with Cyrus’s tenure of the city prefecture (see n. 23) the edict must relate to final phase of the restoration (Crow et al. 2008, pp. 124, 229).

  31. See Crow 2012 for an example of controlling piped water supplies to demonstrate imperial displeasure towards renegade monasteries in the city.

  32. See Crow 2007 for a discussion of the emerging infrastructure of the city.

  33. Quod publicum erat aliquando, minime sit privatum, sed ad communes usus recurrat, CJ 11.43.9.

  34. For a discussion of the date see Crow et al. (2008, p. 231); CTh 15.2.3. (ad 382) records a fine of 6 gold pounds. The earlier promulgations specifically refer to the public aqueducts, whereas Anastasius’ edict also includes fountains—de publico aquaeductu seu fonte.

  35. For a recent discussion of this hierarchy of terms for water distribution in Rome, see Wilson (2007).

  36. Rodgers (2005) prefers to translate Frontinus’ castellum as ‘tank’, see also Crow et al. (2008, pp. 214–217).

  37. From the new translation of Skylitses by Wortley (2010, p. 367).

  38. An alternative interpretation of Skylitses’ use of kastellos is that they were water towers or siphons, equivalent to the later suterazi, a characteristic feature of the Ottoman water distribution network in Istanbul. Examples survive in the middle Byzantine period from a monastery in Pamphylia (see Tiryaki 2010, pp. 455–456, Fig 2, 14), although the correlation of kastellos with castellum and hence public cistern is to be preferred; see also Magdalino (2007, p. 65).

  39. Malalas, Chronicle, 18.17, 18.71; translated Jeffreys et al. (1986, pp. 252, 276); Chronicon Paschale, 618–619, 629: translated Whitby and Whitby (1989, pp. 110, 127); Theophanes, Chronographia, AM 6055: translated Mango and Scott (1997, pp. 349, 351). Theophanes’ account for this period often derives from Malalas, however for the year 562–563 he follows Malalas and records the drought of November 562, but also adds an additional drought in August of 563 which closed baths and resulted in murders at the fountains.

  40. The chronicler Socrates (Church History 4.8; translation Crow et al. 2008, p. 225) writes that Clearchus built a hydreion megiston later described as a nymphaion; see discussion in Crow et al. 2008, p. 127, n. 10.

  41. Jones 1964, pp. 538–539.

  42. Marcellinus Comes, 452, translated Croke 1995, p. 20.

  43. Procopius, Secret History 26, 12–14; Jones 1964, pp. 538–539, 1227 n. 42.

  44. This fieldwork was undertaken in collaboration with Prof. Derya Maktav of Istanbul Technical University with the aid of grants from the British Academy and TUBITAK. For the location of these bridges see Crow et al. 2008, pp. 25–87, Map 5.

  45. Cedrenus History, 1.685, refers to the restoration of the Great Aqueduct and the Aqueduct of Hadrian; see Crow et al. 2008, p. 234

  46. Crow et al. 2008, p. 234. If this figure is accepted it gives some credit to Procopius’ tale of imperial neglect under Justinian.

  47. Crow et al. 2008, pp. 104–106, 218–219. The suggestion by Brubaker and Haldon (2011, p. 162) that an inscription of Constantine V known from Thrace referring to the reconstruction of a bridge may relate to this work should be discounted. The text specifically refers to gephyra, a bridge, a term not encountered in the various accounts relating to the aqueducts; the provenance of the inscription is uncertain and probably lies too far west to belong to the aqueduct system.

  48. The site of the church and imperial mausoleum is now overlain by the Fatih Camii. For Mesarites’ description of the Holy Apostles which celebrates the waters and gardens around the church see Crow et al. 2008, pp. 239–240.

  49. Quoted in Crow et al. 2008, p. 237, see discussion in El Cheikh 2004, p. 147.

  50. Lambros 1925, pp. 227, 293; see now a new edition of these letters in Tziatzi-Papagianni 2011, pp. 19, 46, who interprets hydrokrator as an epithet of God, the provider of natural bounties; Kazhdan 1991, p. 1139. Otherwise unattested, this epithet may alternatively be a popular name for the comes hydaton. I wish to thank Dr Tziatzi-Papagianni for her assistance with these texts.

  51. Binkılıç is a large village located between Aydınlar and Saray, formerly called Stranja.

  52. Kinnamos, Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus 6.8; Brand 1976, pp. 205–206; see discussion in Crow et al. 2008, p. 239, Magdalino 2007, p. 64.

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Durham University for sponsoring the workshop on Water and Power and the colleagues who have collaborated in the two volumes of Water History which sprung from those two days. In the preparation of this article, I would like to thank my co-authors Jonathan Bardill and Richard Bayliss for all the work and ideas they contributed to the original project. In particular, in tracking the middle-Byzantine water masters, I am grateful to James Howard-Johnston for inviting me to a workshop at Oxford on eleventh-century Byzantium where I learnt of Basil Maleses from Dimitris Krallis, who is preparing a new translation of Michael Attaliates. Margaret Mullett answered my enquiries about the letters of Theodore of Cyzikus, drawing on the resources of Dumbarton Oaks. I am grateful to Andrew Wilson for editing the volume and the two anonymous readers for observations and corrections during the completion of this article. Over the years Paul Magdalino and Cyril Mango have made pertinent comments and asked questions which I hope I have begun to answer.

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  1. School of History, Classics and Archaeology, University of Edinburgh, Teviot Place, Edinburgh, EH8 9AG, UK

    Jim Crow

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Abbreviations

CJ = Codex Justinianus : Krueger P (1877) Codex Iustinianus. In: Krueger P, Mommsen Th (eds) Corpus Iuris Civilis vol. II. Weidmann, Berlin

CTh = Codex Theodosianus : Mommsen Th, Meyer PM (1905) Theodosiani libri XVI cum constitutionibus Sirmondianis et leges novellae ad Theodosianum pertinentes. Weidmann, Berlin

Dig. = Digesta : Mommsen Th (1870) Digesta Iustiniani Augusti. In: Krueger P, Mommsen Th (eds) Corpus Iuris Civilis vol. I. Weidmann, Berlin

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Crow, J. Ruling the waters: managing the water supply of Constantinople, ad 330–1204. Water Hist 4, 35–55 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12685-012-0054-y

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